Chapter VII. Genitive. (*1)

(*1)
On the genitive in Sanskrit, especially in the dialect of the Ṛgvedamantras, there exists a monography of Dr. Siecke de genitivo in lingua Sanscritica imprimis Vedica usu, Berlin, 1869.

第7章 属格(genitive)(*1)

(*1)
サンスクリット、とりわけṚg-vedaのマントラの方言におけるgen.については、Siecke博士の論文De Genetivi in Lingua Sanscrita Imprimis Vedica Usu(Berlin, 1869)がある。

109. General view of the genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

109. General view of the genitive.

The fundamental notion of the genitive or sixth case is to mark the belonging to, partaking of. In Sanskrit, it is employed in so manifold and so different ways as to make it very difficult to give a satisfactory account of all of them (*1). — The absolute genitive will be treated in the chapter on participles.

(*1)
Kâç. on P. 1, 1, 49 bahavo hi ṣaṣṭhyarthāḥ svasvāmy-anantarasamīpa-samūhavikārāvayavādyāḥ. — Pâṇini seems to have not sharply defined the genitive’s sphere of employment, at least if we explain his sûtra (2, 3, 50) ṣaṣṭhī śeṣe with the Kâç. as meaning »in all other instances [namely if none of the other cases, taught 2, 3, 1-49, be available], one should use the sixth case.” But then it is strange, P. has not said inversely śeṣe ṣaṣṭhī (cp. his constant use 1, 4, 7; 1, 4, 108; 2, 2, 23; 3, 3, 151; 7, 2, 90). Now, Patañjali gives a somewhat different explication (I, p. 463) karmādīnām avivakṣā śeṣaḥ »the sixth case is required, if the categories object and the rest are not to be distinctly expressed” but tacitly implied. I am rather inclined to suppose, that either in framing that sûtra Pâṇini had in view his definition of the employment of the nominative, which immediately precedes; then śeṣe would be said in opposition to the prātipadika… mātre of s. 46 (note on 38) and mean »something else, apart from the gender and number of the conception, signified by the prâtipadika”, or śeṣe may mean »accessory” (see Petr. Dict. s. v. 1, b); then the sûtra enjoins the use of the genitive if the conception, signified by the prâtipadika, is accessory of some other conception. But, which of these acceptations should prove the correct one, the intrusion of the term śeṣe in the following sûtras (51, etc), as is done by Kâç. and others, is to be blamed.

109. 属格概観

属格(genitive) / 第6格(ṣaṣṭhī)の主要観念は、「…に属する」「…を有する」を示すことである。サンスクリットでは、この格は、全てに十分な説明を与えるのが非常に困難なほどに、とても多様かつ違った仕方で用いられる(*1)。—絶対属格(absolute gen.)は分詞の章で扱う。

(*1)
P. 2, 3, 50 ṣaṣṭhī śeṣe
Kâç. on P. 1, 1, 49 bahavo hi ṣaṣṭhyarthāḥ svasvāmy-anantarasamīpa-samūhavikārāvayavādyāḥ
—パーニニ・スートラとKâç.を「他の全ての場合には〔すなわち、P. 2, 3, 1-49に説かれる他のケースが使用できない場合には、〕第6格を用いるべきである」として説明するのであれば、Pāṇiniは、gen.の使用領域をはっきりとは定義していないようである。ところが奇妙なことに、Pāṇiniは〔彼の通常の言葉遣いとは違って、〕その逆順のśeṣe ṣaṣṭhīとは言わないのである(彼はいつも〔śeṣaをスートラの先頭に〕用いる。P. 1, 4, 7、1, 4, 108、2, 2, 23、3, 3, 151、7, 2, 90と比較せよ)。
ところで、Patañjaliは何か異なる説明を与えている:Pat. I, p. 463 karmādīnām avivakṣā śeṣaḥ(目的語等のカテゴリが明確に表現されない場合、第6格が必要とされる)。けれども、〔これは上記スートラに〕暗に含意されている。
私はむしろ、Pāṇiniが、スートラを構成する際に、直前にある彼の〔スートラにおいて既になされている〕nom.の用法の定義(P. 2, 3, 46)を〔śeṣeが係る対象として〕考えていたか、あるいは、śeṣeが「付属」を意味する(Petr. Dict. s. v, 1, b)か、のどちらかではないかと考えている。前者の場合、śeṣeはP. 2, 3, 46のprātipadika… mātreとは反対に、「〔表現される〕観念の性・数を除いた、prātipadikaによって指示される何か他のもの」を意味する。後者の場合、スートラは、prātipadikaによって指示される観念が何らかの他の概念の付属物である場合、gen.の使用を禁じる。
けれども、これらの意味のどちらが正しいかを証明する必要があり、Kâç.や他の注釈書が行っているような、次のスートラ(P. 2, 3, 51等)にśeṣeという用語が〔=anuvṛttiとして適用されて〕混入してくることは批判されるべきである。

110. Its employment with substantives. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

110. Its employment with substantives.

I. With substantives, the genitive serves to qualify them, as rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ (the king’s man), damayantyāḥ svayaṃvaraḥ (the self-choice of Dam.), śatror balam (the enemy’s strength), mitrasyāgamanam (the friend’s arrival), samudrasya śoṣaṇam (the drying up the ocean), yajñasyāvayavaḥ (a part of the sacrifice), yuddhasyāvakāśaḥ (the opportunity of fighting). These examples show 1st that the genitive, at least in prose, commonly precedes the substantive, it is depending upon, 2ly that, like in Latin and Greek, the most different logical relations will find their expression by it. When dividing the whole of its dominion by setting up such categories as the possessive gen., the subjective, objective, partitive, that of origin, matter, quantity etc., it must not be overlooked, that these divisions have been made for clearness’ sake and do not affect the unity of the grammatical duty discharged in all these cases by the genitive. For the rest, not rarely the ordinary logical distinctions may fall short of classifying some given genitive, as in the case of yuddhasyāvakāśaḥ, or Utt. II, p. 28 agastyāśramasya panthāḥ (the way to the hermitage of A.) etc.

Concurrent constructions are 1. compounding the gen. with the subst., it qualifies rājapuruṣaḥ = rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ, see 214, 2. using instead of the gen. the derived adjective, as śātravaṃ balam = śatror balam or śatrūṇāṃ balam etc. Of these substitutions the latter is comparatively rare, when contrasted with the utmost frequency of the former.

Rem. The so called appositional or epexegetic genitive is not used in Sanskrit. It is said puṣpapuraṃ nagaram not as in English »the city of Pushp.” R. 2, 115, 15 śirasi kṛtvā saṃnyāsaṃ pāduke (Lat. pignus soccorum, the pledge [represented by] the slippers).

110. 実名詞を伴う場合の用法

1. 実名詞を伴う場合、gen.はそれを修飾することに資する:rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ(王の従者)、damayantyāḥ svayaṃvaraḥ(D.の自己選択)、śatror balam(敵の力)、mitrasyāgamanam(友の到着)、samudrasya śoṣaṇam(海の干上がり)、yajñasyāvayavaḥ(供犠の一肢)、yuddhasyāvakāśaḥ(戦いの機会)など。これらの例は以下のことを提示する。
1. 少なくとも詩文においては、ふつうgen.はそれが係る実名詞に先行する。
2. ラテン語や古代ギリシャ語と同様に、ほとんどの異なる論理的関係がそれらの表現に見いだされる。所有のgen.、主語的gen.、目的語的gen.、部分のgen.、起源・状況・量のgen.、…などのカテゴリーを設定して、その〔gen.の〕範囲の全体を分割する場合、これらの分割は明確にするために行われたものであって、これら全ての場合において、gen.によって果たされる文法的はたらきの単一性には影響を及ぼさないことを見落としてはならない。その他、yuddhasyāvakāśaḥやUtt. II, p. 28 agastyāśramasya panthāḥ (the way to the hermitage of A.)などのように、通常の論理的区別が、特定のgen.の分類に該当しないことも稀ではない。
同じ作用をする構文は以下の通り:
1. 実名詞とgen.が複合語となるもの:rājapuruṣaḥ = rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ。214をみよ。
2. gen.の代わりに派生形容詞を用いるもの:śātravaṃ balam = śatror balamあるいはśatrūṇāṃ balamなど。
これらの代用のうち、前者のかなり頻繁なこととは対象的に、後者は比較的稀である。

【補足】
いわゆる「同格(appositional)のgen.」、あるいは「補足説明(epexegetic)のgen.」は、サンスクリットでは用いられない。英語における〔”of”を用いた構文である〕”the city of Pushp.”は、puṣpapuraṃ nagaramとなる。
R. 2, 115, 15 śirasi kṛtvā saṃnyāsaṃ pāduke (Lat. pignus soccorum, the pledge [represented by] the slippers)

111. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

111.

When pointing out the genitive as the case to put in such substantives as are wanted to qualify other substantives, it is by no means said that no other construction may be used for the same purpose. Verbal nouns often retain the verbal construction. So, if a moving to or from some place is to be expressed, nouns must be construed just as verbs; it is said purāt pravāsanam, puraṃ gamanam not purasya. Cp. Rem. on 41.

Thus we meet with instrumentals as viyogo bhavādṛśaiḥ »the separation from men as you are,” kanyayā śokaḥ »sorrow on account of a girl;” — ablatives as patanāḍ ayam »fear of falling;” — datives as yūpāya dāru »wood for a stake,” samayo yaivarājyāya »the fit time for being heir-apparent;” — locatives as viṣayeṣu saṅgaḥ »attachment to the world, worldliness;” — prepositions as māṃ prati kopaḥ »anger towards me,” tasyopari pakṣapātaḥ »partiality for his sake,” samaṃ śaktimatā yuddham »a contention with a mighty one.”

Rem. Pâṇini has a special rule about the nouns īśvara (lord), svāmin (owner), adhipati (chief), dāyāda (heir), sākṣi (witness), pratibhū (bail) and prasūta (born) as agreeing with a locative as well as with a gen. {P. 2, 3, 39.} So gavāṃ svāmī or goṣu; cp. Kathâs. 18, 144 tvam asmākaṃ svāmī with ibid. 6, 166 svāmī viṣaye. So Mṛcch. X, p. 384 pṛthivyāṃ sarvavihāreṣu kulapatir ayaṃ kriyatām (let he be appointed prior of all the monasteries of the land).

111. 同じはたらきをする構文

他の実名詞を修飾するために必要とされる実名詞、を置く格としてgen.を指示する場合、他の構文が同じ目的のために使用されてはならない、とは決して言われない。動詞的名詞はしばしば構文を保持する。なので、「…へ移動する」や「…から移動する」が表現される場合、名詞はちょうど動詞のように解釈されねばならない;purāt pravāsanampuraṃ gamanamとなり、purasyaは用いられない。41補足と比較せよ。

しかして、viyogo bhavādṛśaiḥ »the separation from men as you are”やkanyayā śokaḥ »sorrow on account of a girl”のようなinst.、patanāḍ ayam »fear of falling”のようなabl.、yūpāya dāru »wood for a stake”やsamayo yaivarājyāya »the fit time for being heir-apparent;”のようなdat.、viṣayeṣu saṅgaḥ »attachment to the world, worldliness”のようなloc.、māṃ prati kopaḥ »anger towards me”、tasyopari pakṣapātaḥ »partiality for his sake”、samaṃ śaktimatā yuddham »a contention with a mighty one”のような前置詞を用いるもの、が見られる。

【補足】
Pāṇiniは以下の名詞に、gen.と同じようにloc.にも一致するとして、特殊な規則を与えている:īśvara(主)、svāmin(所有者)、adhipati(長)、dāyāda(跡取り)、sākṣi(立会人)、pratibhū(保釈)、prasūta(産まれた)。{P. 2, 3, 39.}よって、gavāṃ (/ goṣu) svāmīとなる。以下と比較せよ;Kathâs. 18, 144 tvam asmākaṃ svāmī with ibid. 6, 166 svāmī viṣaye
Mṛcch. X, p. 384 pṛthivyāṃ sarvavihāreṣu kulapatir ayaṃ kriyatām (let he be appointed prior of all the monasteries of the land)

112. Possessive genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

112. Possessive genitive.

The possessive genitive has nothing remarkable. As in other languages, it may be the predicate of the sentence. M. 7, 96 yo yaj jayati tasya tat (what one conquers, is one’s own), ibid. 7, 91 the vanquished warrior surrenders himself with these words tavāsmi (I am yours); Mhbh. I, 154, 3 kasya tvam (»whose are you?” that is »of what family?”); Mudr. III, p. 103 sthāne khalv asya vṛṣalo devaś candraguptaḥ (duly, forsooth, the Çudra-king Candragupta is his = is but an instrument in his [Cânakya’s] hand), R, 2, 42, 7 (Daçar. to Kaik) ye ca tvām anujīvanti nāhaṃ teṣāṃ na mama (and those, who are your attendance, do not belong to me, nor I to them). That it may also denote the party, of which one is an adherent, is stated above (108, 4).

112. 所有を表すgen.

所有を表すgen.に特筆すべきことはない。他の諸言語のように、文の述語となるものである。
M. 7, 96 yo yaj jayati tasya tat (what one conquers, is one’s own)
ibid. 7, 91 the vanquished warrior surrenders himself with these words tavāsmi (I am yours)
Mhbh. I, 154, 3 kasya tvam (»whose are you?” that is »of what family?”)
Mudr. III, p. 103 sthāne khalv asya vṛṣalo devaś candraguptaḥ (duly, forsooth, the Çudra-king Candragupta is his = is but an instrument in his [Cânakya’s] hand)
R, 2, 42, 7 (Daçar. to Kaik) ye ca tvām anujīvanti nāhaṃ teṣāṃ na mama (and those, who are your attendance, do not belong to me, nor I to them)

付き従う人をも表すことは上述した(108-4)。

113. Genitivus materiae and originis. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

113. Genitivus materiae and originis.

The gen. of the material, something is made of, and that of the origin are not very frequent. Examples: Pat. I, 112 asya sūtrasya śāṭakaṃ vaya (weave a cloth of this thread), Ch. Up. taṃ hovāca yaṃ saumyaitamaṇimānaṃ na nibhākayasa etasya vai saumyaiṣo’ṇimna evaṃ mahānyagrodhas tiṣṭhati (he said to him: my dear, that subtile essence, which you do not perceive there, of that subtile essence this so great nyagrodha-troe exists); — Mhbh. 1, 100, 47 kanyā dāśānām (a fisherman's daughter).

Rem. In sûtra-works there is also a gen. of the authority, according to whom something is stated. So often ekeṣām »according to some,” P. 3, 4, 111 śākaṭāyanasyaiva »according to Ç. alone.” This gen. depends on the word mate not expressed »according to the opinion of.”

113. 素材・起源のgen.

何かが作られる素材、および起源を表すgen.は、あまり頻出しない。
例:
Pat. I, 112 asya sūtrasya śāṭakaṃ vaya (weave a cloth of this thread)
Ch. Up. taṃ hovāca yaṃ saumyaitamaṇimānaṃ na nibhākayasa etasya vai saumyaiṣo’ṇimna evaṃ mahānyagrodhas tiṣṭhati (he said to him: my dear, that subtile essence, which you do not perceive there, of that subtile essence this so great nyagrodha-troe exists)
Mhbh. 1, 100, 47 kanyā dāśānām (a fisherman's daughter)

【補足】
パーニニ・スートラには、その人によって何かが記述されるところの、典拠・出典を表すgen.もある。よってしばしば、ekeṣāmが「ある人によれば」となる;P. 3, 4, 111 śākaṭāyanasyaiva(Ç.その人によれば)。このgen.は、表現されないmateに係る=「…の意見によれば」。

114. Subjective genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

114. Subjective genitive.

The subjective genitive is interchangeable with the instrumental of the agent (66). {P. 2, 3, 66.} According to Pâṇini, the latter is necessary, if the verbal noun be attended by its subject and its object at the same time. In this manner two genitives are avoided, as gavāṃ doho gopena [not gopasya] (the milking of the cows by the cow-herd). We may fairly extend this observation, it seems, to all such instances, as where the subjective genitive would be used together with some other sixth case. R. 3, 6, 23 viprakāram apākraṣṭuṃ rākṣasair bhavatām imam (in order to put and end to the harm caused to you by the râxasas), Mâl. VIII, p. 133 ekākino bahubhir abhiyogaḥ (*1); Mhbh. 1, 145, 17 yadā… kāryam asmākaṃ bhavaḍir upapatsayate (if there will occur something to do by you for us) [not kāryam asmākaṃ bhavatām, an accumulation of gen. subj. and commodi];

Rem. Some vârttikas on this sûtra of Pāṇini contest the exactness of it. With some kṛts the subjective genitive is said to be obligatory, even when being used together with an objective genitive, as cikīrṣā viṣṇumitrasya kaṭasya (V.’s desire of making a mat). According to some, the gen. of the agent is nowhere forbidden.

(*1)
But Mudr. I, p. 49 na marṣayiṣyati rākṣasakalatrapracchādanaṃ bhavataḥ, for here nothing impedes using the genitive of the agent, the other being avoided by compounding.

114. 主語的gen.

主語的gen.(subjective genitive)は、行為者を表すinst.(66)と交換可能である。{P. 2, 3, 66.} Pāṇiniによれば、動詞的名詞がその主語(agent)と目的語(object)を同時に伴う場合には、行為者を表すinst.でなければならない。この仕方においては、2つのgen.〔を用いること〕は避けられる:gavāṃ doho gopena [not gopasya] (the milking of the cows by the cow-herd)。この〔Pāṇiniの〕言葉は、主語的gen.が他のgen.と共に用いられる場合のようなあらゆる例に、公平に拡張できる。
R. 3, 6, 23 viprakāram apākraṣṭuṃ rākṣasair bhavatām imam (in order to put and end to the harm caused to you by the râxasas)
Mâl. VIII, p. 133 ekākino bahubhir abhiyogaḥ (*1)
Mhbh. 1, 145, 17 yadā… kāryam asmākaṃ bhavaḍir upapatsayate (if there will occur something to do by you for us) [主語的gen.と機会のgen.の同時使用kāryam asmākaṃ bhavatāmでない]

【補足】
いくつかのvārttikaは、このパーニニ・スートラの正確性に意義を唱えている。何らかのkṛt接尾辞を伴う主語的gen.は、cikīrṣā viṣṇumitrasya kaṭasya (V.’s desire of making a mat)のような、目的語的gen.と共に用いられている場合であっても、必須であると言われている。ある者によれば、行為者を表すgen.はどの場合でも禁止されていない。

(*1)
けれども、以下の文では、他〔のgen.〕は複合語となることによって〔第6格語尾の使用が〕回避されており、行為者を表すgen.の使用は妨げられない。
Mudr. I, p. 49 na marṣayiṣyati rākṣasakalatrapracchādanaṃ bhavataḥ

115. Objective genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

115. Objective genitive.

The objective genitive is occasionally interchangeable with a locative or with prepp as prati, upari, etc. Sometimes it may be used in turns too concise to be rendered without periphrase. Mṛcch. I, p. 44 śaṅkayā tasyāḥ (by supposing, it was she).

115. 目的語的gen.

目的語的gen.(objective -)は、loc.、あるいはpratiupariなどの前置詞と交換可能な場合がある。時折、簡潔に過ぎるために言い換えなしで翻訳できないこともある。
Mṛcch. I, p. 44 śaṅkayā tasyāḥ (by supposing, it was she)

116. Partitive genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

116. Partitive genitive.

The partitive genitive denotes either the whole, a part of which is spoken of, as ardha nagarasya (half of the town), yajñasyāvayavaḥ (a part of the sacrifice), Kâd. I , p. 21 ambaratalasya madhyam (the middle of the sky) or it carries the notion of selecting out of a multitude as Nir. 1, 12 vaiyākaraṇānām eke „some of — , among the grammarians”. In the latter case, the genitive is interchangeable with the locative: manuṣyāṇāṃ (or manuṣyeṣu)

Examples: of genitive Ait. Br. 1, 5, 25 śreṣṭhaḥ svānām (the foremost of his kin), Kathâs. 29, 69 dhuryo dhanavatām (the foremost among the wealthy), Panc. III, 222 sa ekaiko ‘tra sarvaṣāṃ nītiśāstrārthatattvavit; — of locative Kathâs. 24, 47 dṛṣṭā putrī yuṣmāsu kenacit; M. 5, 18 śvāvidhaṃ śalyakaṃ godhāṃ khaṅgakūrmaśaśāṃs tathā / bhakṣyān pañcanakheṣv āhur anuṣṭrāṃś caikatodataḥ

From the examples given it will be plain, that in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, the partitive cases may not only attend substantives, but all kind of nouns and pronouns.

Rem. 1. If there be meant a „taking out of,” the ablative is to be used, cp. 95, 2°. — R. 1, 2, 15 krauñcamithunād ekam avadhīḥ (you have killed one out of the couple of plovers), cp. Kathâs. 13, 144; 24, 176; Prabodh. V, p. 102 agneḥ śeṣamṛṇāccheṣaṃ śatroḥ śeṣaṃ na śeṣayet (one should not leave a remnant of fire, of a debt, of a foe). (*1)

Rem. 2. It is very common, especially in simple prose, to periphrase the partitive cases by -madhye (=gen. or loc.) and -madhyāt (= abl.). See 191.

Rem. 3. The partitive construction is unfit to be employed, if the conception of a part selected out of a whole be wanting. »All of them” = te sarve, both of us” āvāmubhau (*2).

(*1)
This is the very ablative, enjoined by P. 2, 3, 42. Kâç. is wrong interpreting the sûtra otherwise; Patañjali’s view (I, p. 459) is correct.

(*2)
Yet Mhbh. 1, 37, 8 I have found sarve naḥ = »all of us,” just as in English.

116. 部分を表すgen.

部分を表すgen.(partitive -)は、その一部分が話題になっているものの全体を表す;ardha nagarasya(街の半分)、yajñasyāvayavaḥ(供犠の〔体の〕一部)、Kâd. I , p. 21 ambaratalasya madhyam(空の真ん中);か、「多くのものの中から選ぶ」という観念を表す;Nir. 1, 12 vaiyākaraṇānām eke(文法家のうちのある者は…)。後者の場合、gen.はinst.と交換可能である:manuṣyāṇāṃ (/ manuṣyeṣu)。

例:
・gen.
Ait. Br. 1, 5, 25 śreṣṭhaḥ svānām (the foremost of his kin)
Kathâs. 29, 69 dhuryo dhanavatām (the foremost among the wealthy)
Panc. III, 222 sa ekaiko ‘tra sarvaṣāṃ nītiśāstrārthatattvavit

・loc.
Kathâs. 24, 47 dṛṣṭā putrī yuṣmāsu kenacit
M. 5, 18 śvāvidhaṃ śalyakaṃ godhāṃ khaḍgakūrmaśaśāṃs tathā / bhakṣyān pañcanakheṣv āhur anuṣṭrāṃś caikatodataḥ

与えられた例から明らかなように、サンスクリットでは、部分を表す格(分格)は他と同様に、実名詞だけでなくあらゆる種類の名詞・代名詞に用いられうる。

【補足1】
「…から取り出す」が意味される場合には、abl.が用いられる。95-2と比較せよ。
R. 1, 2, 15 krauñcamithunād ekam avadhīḥ (you have killed one out of the couple of plovers) (cp. Kathâs. 13, 144; 24, 176)
Prabodh. V, p. 102 agneḥ śeṣamṛṇāccheṣaṃ śatroḥ śeṣaṃ na śeṣayet (one should not leave a remnant of fire, of a debt, of a foe) (*1)

【補足2】
特に単純な散文では、部分を表す格を-madhye(gen. / loc.)や-madhyāt(abl.)で迂言することが非常に一般的である。191をみよ。

【補足3】
全体から部分が選択される観念がない場合には、分格構文は適さない:「彼ら皆」(all of them)=te sarve、「2人共」(both of us)=āvāmubhau(*2)

(*1)
これがP. 2, 3, 42に禁止されているところのabl.である。Kâç.の解釈は間違っており、Patañjaliの見解(I, p. 459)が正しい。

(*2)
けれども、ちょうど英語におけるそれのようなもの〔pl.gen.を用いるもの〕が以下に見受けられる:Mhbh. 1, 37, 8 sarve naḥ

117. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

117.

Some turns, relating to the partitive construction, are to be noticed:

1. option between two things is variously expressed:

a.) both are put in the gen. M. 7, 53 vyasanasya ca mṛtyośca vyasanaṃ kaṣṭam ucyate (liter. »of both vice and death, vice is called the worse”).

b.) both are put in the abl. Mṛcch. I, p. 18 dāridyrān maraṇādvā maraṇaṃ mama rocate na dāidyram (v. a. I prefer death to poverty).

c.) both are nominatives. Mhbh. 1 , 161, 6 brahmavadhyātmavadhyā vā śreyān ātmavadho mama (v. a. I hold suicide to be preferable to the killing a brahman).

Note the standing prolixity of such phrases.

2. Of a partitive gen., depending on some word not expressed, there are some instances. Âçv. Grhy. 4, 4, 11 ādiyasya vā dṛśyamāne praviśeyuḥ (or they must enter [the village] while there is still visible ever so a little part of the sun), Kâç, on P. 2, 1, 8 yāvad amatraṃ brāhmaṇānām āmantrayasva (invite of the brahmans according to the number of vessels). The partitive gen., that attends verbs (119), may be explained in this way.

3. One, two, three times a day, a week, etc. is expressed by the partitive gen., as M. 3, 281 śrāddhaṃ trirabdasya nirvapet, Par. Grhy. 1, 3, 31 asakṛtsaṃvatsarasya. Likewise M. 5, 21 saṃvatsarasyaikam api caret kṛcchraṃ dvijottamaḥ (a pious twice-born man should perform at least one »strong penance” a year). {P. 2, 3, 64.}

4. A partitive gen., depending on the neuter of an adjective, is rare, even in the old language. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 8 mahati rātryāḥ. In the Rgvedasanhitâ there are even such gen. as idā ahnaḥ, prātarahnaḥ, which remind of Lat. id temporis and the like; cp. Siecke p. 65.

117. 部分を表すgen.のイディオム

分格構文に関するいくつかの言い回しに留意すべきである:

1. 2者間の選択は様々に表現される:
a.) 両方がgen.に置かれるもの
M. 7, 53 vyasanasya ca mṛtyośca vyasanaṃ kaṣṭam ucyate (liter. »of both vice and death, vice is called the worse”)
b.) 両方がabl.に置かれるもの
Mṛcch. I, p. 18 dāridyrān maraṇādvā maraṇaṃ mama rocate na dāidyram (v. a. I prefer death to poverty)
c.) 両方がnom.に置かれるもの
Mhbh. 1 , 161, 6 brahmavadhyātmavadhyā vā śreyān ātmavadho mama (v. a. I hold suicide to be preferable to the killing a brahman)

このようなフレーズはいつも冗長なことに注意せよ。

2. 表現されていない語に係る、部分を表すgen.
Âçv. Grhy. 4, 4, 11 ādiyasya vā dṛśyamāne praviśeyuḥ (or they must enter [the village] while there is still visible ever so a little part of the sun)
Kâç, on P. 2, 1, 8 yāvad amatraṃ brāhmaṇānām āmantrayasva (invite of the brahmans according to the number of vessels)

動詞を伴う部分を表すgen.(119)はこの仕方で説明されうる。

3. 「日 / 週 / 年…にn度」は部分を表すgen.で表現される。{P. 2, 3, 64.}
M. 3, 281 śrāddhaṃ trirabdasya nirvapet
Par. Grhy. 1, 3, 31 asakṛtsaṃvatsarasya
M. 5, 21 saṃvatsarasyaikam api caret kṛcchraṃ dvijottamaḥ (a pious twice-born man should perform at least one »strong penance” a year)

4. 形容詞のn.に係る部分を表すgen.は、ヴェーダ語においてさえも稀である。
Ait. Br. 2, 15, 8 mahati rātryāḥ

Rgveda-sanhitāには、ラテン語の”id temporis”(n.sg.nom. / n.sg.gen.)等を想起させる、idā ahnaḥprātarahnaḥのようなgen.がある;Siecke [1869] p. 65をみよ。

118. Genitive with verbs. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

118. Genitive with verbs.

II. Several verbs are construed with a genitive.

1. A possessive genitive is put to some verbs of owning and ruling, viz. prabhū, īś, [P. 2, 3, 52], the vedic rāj. Comp Greek ἄρχειν τινός. — So Rgv. 1, 25, 20 tvaṃ viśvasya medhira divaś ca gmaś ca rājasi; Çat. Br. 5, 1, 5, 4 ekaḥ sanbahūnām īṣṭe. — M. 5, 2 kathaṃ mṛtyuḥ prabhavati vedaśāstravidām (how is it, that Death has power over such as have mastered the veda and the sciences?), Mâlat. II, p. 38 prabhavati prāyaḥ kumārīṇāṃ janayitā daivaṃ ca, cp. ibid. IV, p. 70, 1. 2, Mâlav. V, p. 143. — This construction is rare in classic Sanskrit; īś with a gen. seems to be wholly obsolete.

118. 動詞を伴うgen.

II. いくつかの動詞はgen.を取る。

1. 「専有する」や「支配する」を表すいくつかの動詞、すなわちpra√bhū√īś({P. 2, 3, 52})、ヴェーダ語の√rājは、所有を表すgen.を取る。古代ギリシャ語のἄρχειν τινόςと比較せよ。
Rgv. 1, 25, 20 tvaṃ viśvasya medhira divaś ca gmaś ca rājasi
Çat. Br. 5, 1, 5, 4 ekaḥ sanbahūnām īṣṭe
M. 5, 2 kathaṃ mṛtyuḥ prabhavati vedaśāstravidām (how is it, that Death has power over such as have mastered the veda and the sciences?)
Mâlat. II, p. 38 prabhavati prāyaḥ kumārīṇāṃ janayitā daivaṃ ca

以下とも比較せよ:ibid. IV, p. 70, 1. 2, Mâlav. V, p. 143。—この構文は古典サンスクリットだと稀である;gen.を伴う√īśは完全に廃れたらしい。

119. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

119.

2. A partitive genitive is frequently employed in the elder literature, and had not yet entirely disappeared in the days of Pâṇini. But in classic Sanskrit such phrases as amṛtasya dadāti (he gives of the ambrosia), sarpiṣo nāthate (he desires of the butter) are out of use.

In mantra, brâhmaṇa and upanishad it is often attending verbs of giving, begging, eating, drinking and the like (*1). Rgv. 10, 85, 3 somaṃ yaṃ brahmāno vidurna tasyāśnāti kaścana (of the soma, the brahmans know, nobody eats), ibid. 9, 70, 2 sa bhikṣamāṇo amṛtasya cāruṇaḥ (he, begging [a share] of the delightful ambrosia), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 3 eteṣāṃ me dehi (give me of these), TBr. 2, 2, 9, 3 samudrasya na pibanti (they do not drink of the oeean), Ait. Br. 1, 22, 6 trayāṇāṃ ha vai haviṣāṃ sviṣṭakṛte na samavadyanti (of three oblations they do not cut off for the Svishtakrt).

Rem. To this belong the rules of P. 2, 3, 61 and 63, which enjoin the genitive of the oblation a.) in certain formulae, uttered at the moment of offering it to the deity, b.) with yaj. So f. i. Çat. Br. 3, 8, 2, 26 agniṣomābhyāṃ chāgasya vapāyai [gen. = vapāyāḥ 86 NB.] medaso ‘nubrūhi (announce to Agni and Soma [their shares] of the epiploon and the fat of the he-goat), Rgv. 3, 53, 2 somasya tvā yakṣi (I have worshipped thee [with your share] of soma), Ait. Br. 2, 9, 5.

(*1)
See Siecke p. 33-37.

119. 承前

2. 部分を表すgen.は、古い文献では頻繁に用いられ、Pāṇiniの時代にはまだ完全に消失してはいなかった。けれども、古典サンスクリットにおいてamṛtasya dadāti(彼は神酒を与える)やsarpiṣo nāthate(彼はバターを所望する)のようなフレーズは用いられない。

マントラやブラーフマナ文献、およびウパニシャッドでは、しばしば「与える」「請い求める」「食べる」「飲む」等の動詞を伴う(*1)
Rgv. 10, 85, 3 somaṃ yaṃ brahmāno vidurna tasyāśnāti kaścana (of the soma, the brahmans know, nobody eats)
ibid. 9, 70, 2 sa bhikṣamāṇo amṛtasya cāruṇaḥ (he, begging [a share] of the delightful ambrosia)
Ch. Up. 1, 10, 3 eteṣāṃ me dehi (give me of these)
TBr. 2, 2, 9, 3 samudrasya na pibanti (they do not drink of the oeean)
Ait. Br. 1, 22, 6 trayāṇāṃ ha vai haviṣāṃ sviṣṭakṛte na samavadyanti (of three oblations they do not cut off for the Svishtakrt)

【補足】
これにはP. 2, 3, 61, 63の規則が属しており、以下の仕方での「奉納」を表す語のgen.を禁止する:a.) 神に捧げるときに発声される一定の決り文句におけるもの、b.) √yajを伴うもの、である。
Çat. Br. 3, 8, 2, 26 agniṣomābhyāṃ chāgasya vapāyai [gen. = vapāyāḥ 86 NB.] medaso ‘nubrūhi (announce to Agni and Soma [their shares] of the epiploon and the fat of the he-goat)
Rgv. 3, 53, 2 somasya tvā yakṣi (I have worshipped thee [with your share] of soma)
Ait. Br. 2, 9, 5

(*1)
See Siecke p. 33-37.

120. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

120.

3. The genitive serves to denote the objects of some verbs: a.) smṛ (to remember), b.) day (to have mercy), c.) anukṛ (to imitate), d.) some verbs of longing for. {P. 2, 3, 52.} With all of them, however, the accusative is also available.

Examples: a.) Mudr. II, p. 71 hā deva nanda smarati te rākṣasaḥ prasādānām (ah, king Nanda, Râxasa is well aware of your marks of kindness), Daç. 60 smara tasyā haṃsakathāyāḥ. Compare with those genitives these accus. Malât. III, p. 63 api smared asmad abhyarthanām (should she perhaps remember our suit?), Çâk. V smariṣyati tvāṃ na sa bodhito ’pi san. The verb vismṛ (to forget) is construed with acc. (*1)

b.) Dâç. 97 ete bhadramukhās tava dayantām (may these dear men show mercy towards you). It is often construed with acc.

c.) The person whose deeds etc. are imitated is generally put in the genitive. Mṛcch. VI, p. 222 bhīmasyānukariṣyāmi bāhuḥ śastraṃ bhaviṣyati, Mâlav. V, p. 141 nanu kalabhena yūthapater anukṛtam (v. a. the apple falls not far from the tree).

Rem. 1. Comp. anuvadate (to speak after), which is construed similarly by Kâç. on P. 1, 3, 49, and anuharati (to take after). Pat. I, 393 pitur anuharati (he takes after his father).

Rem. 2. According to P. 2, 3, 53 compared to 6, 1, 139 upaskurute (to take care of) may admit of a genitive.

d.) Here the acc. is the regular construction, and the gen. but scarcely met with, as M. 2, 162 amṛtasyeva cākāṅkṣed avamānasya sarvadā (he must always long for being insulted as if it were ambrosia), Mhbh. 3, 12630 nāthantaḥ sarvakāmānām, Mâlat. V, p. 72 api bhavān utkaṇṭhate madayantikāyāḥ (do you long for Madayantikâ?) ; R. 3, 47, 30 gen. with spṛhayati.

(*1)
Yet Bhaṭṭ. 17, 10 it complies with a gen., see Petr. Dict. s. v. p. 1386. So in a prâkrt passage of the Uttararâmacaritra p. 19 visumaridā ahme mahārāadasarahassa rāmabhadreṇa »Râma has made us forget king Daçaratha.”

120. 承前2

3. gen.は何らかの動詞の目的語を表すのに資する:a.) √smṛ(思い出す)、b.) √day(同情する)、c.) anu√kṛ(真似る)、d.) 待ち焦がれる」を表す動詞。{P. 2, 3, 52.} 実際には、これらすべてはacc.をも取りうる。

a.)
・gen.
Mudr. II, p. 71 hā deva nanda smarati te rākṣasaḥ prasādānām (ah, king Nanda, Râxasa is well aware of your marks of kindness)
Daç. 60 smara tasyā haṃsakathāyāḥ
・acc.
Malât. III, p. 63 api smared asmad abhyarthanām (should she perhaps remember our suit?)
Çâk. V smariṣyati tvāṃ na sa bodhito ’pi san

vi√smṛ(忘れる)はacc.を取る(*1)

b.)
Dâç. 97 ete bhadramukhās tava dayantām (may these dear men show mercy towards you)

これはしばしばacc.を取る。

c.)
言動等を真似る者はふつうgen.に置かれる。
Mṛcch. VI, p. 222 bhīmasyānukariṣyāmi bāhuḥ śastraṃ bhaviṣyati
Mâlav. V, p. 141 nanu kalabhena yūthapater anukṛtam (v. a. the apple falls not far from the tree)

【補足1】
Kâç. on P. 1, 3, 49によれば同様にgen.を取るanuvadate(…〔の話したこと〕を繰り返す)、およびanuharati(…を真似る)と比較せよ。
Pat. I, 393 pitur anuharati (he takes after his father)

【補足2】
P. 2, 3, 53を6, 1, 139と比べるに、upaskurute(…の世話をする)はgen.を取りうる。

d.)
acc.が通常の構文であるが、gen.も稀に見られる。
M. 2, 162 amṛtasyeva cākāṅkṣed avamānasya sarvadā (he must always long for being insulted as if it were ambrosia)
Mhbh. 3, 12630 nāthantaḥ sarvakāmānām
Mâlat. V, p. 72 api bhavān utkaṇṭhate madayantikāyāḥ (do you long for Madayantikâ?)
R. 3, 47, 30 gen. with spṛhayati

(*1)
けれども、Bhaṭṭ. 17, 10ではgen.に従う。Petr. Dict.のp. 1386をみよ。よって、Uttararāmacaritra p. 19のプラークリット文では以下のようになっている:visumaridā ahme mahārāadasarahassa rāmabhadreṇa »Râma has made us forget king Daçaratha.”

121. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

121.

4. In the archaic dialect many more verbs may be construed with the gen. of their object. Pâṇini prescribes its being used with a.) all verbs of remembering (*1); b.) nāth when = »to desire, to hope,” cp. 120, d; c.) five verbs of injuring viz. jāsayati, nāṭ, niprahan, krath, piṣ, d.) the verbs of illness — fever excepted — as caurasya rujati. {P. 2, 3, 56; 57.} As he does not add that the gen. with them is restricted to the holy texts, it is likely, that it was used so in his days, but that it has antiquated afterwards. Siecke p. 50-52 of his treatise on the vedic genitive has given some examples of its being used in the Ṛigvedasanhitâ with such verbs as adhī, adhigā, cit, man etc. With vid (to know; to be aware of, to experience) it often occurs in the brahmana-works. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 prāṇo vai jātavedāḥ sa hi jātānāṃ veda. As to the foresaid verbs of injuring, in the Râmâyana also spṛś (to touch) is construed with a gen., 2, 75, 31 gavāṃ spṛśatu pādena likewise 3, 66, 60 (*2).

Rem. According to P. 2, 3, 51 the verb jñā is construed with the gen. of the instrument (karaṇa), then jñā must not be equivalent with vid. Kâç. gives this example sarpiṣo jānīte = sarpiṣā karaṇena pravartate. It is not sufficiently plain, what is here the meaning of jñā (*3).

(*1)
Pâṇini (2, 3, 52) speaks of adhīgartha, that is »all, which mean to think of." In classic Sanskrit I greatly doubt instances will be found of any other verb but smṛ.

(*2)
Cp. the Greek τυγχάνειν, θιγγάνειν and aim. For the rest, objective genitives with verbs of touching, desiring, remembering are common to the whole Indo-germanic family and the most probable explication, which may be given of them is to consider them as having had at the outset the character of partitive genitives. Their fate has been the same in Sanskrit as in its sister-tongues. In the ancient literature they are relatively common; but gradually they decrease by time both in frequency and in extent, and modern Sanskrit has but retained a few remnants of that old and once widely-spread idiom.

(*3)
So the Kâçikâ. It proffers also a different explication, according to which jñā with gen. = »to ween, to fancy,” for mithyājñānam ajñānam eva. Patañjali has not expounded the sûtra. For the rest, as it runs thus jño ‘vidarthasya karaṇe, nothing impedes reading it rather jño vidarthasya karaṇe. Then it is said just the contrary : jñā when = vid complies with a gen. and in fact, in the ancient dialect jñā was not rarely construed so.

121. 承前3

4. ヴェーダ語において、かなり多くの動詞が、それらの目的語のgen.を取る。Pāṇiniは以下のものと用いられることを規定している:「記憶する」を表すあらゆる動詞(*1);b.) 「願う」「望む」を表す場合のnāth(120-dと比較せよ);c.) 「傷つける」を表す5つの動詞=jāsayati√nāṭnipra√han√krath√piṣ;d.) 熱病を除く、病気を表す動詞(caurasya rujatiなど)。{P. 2, 3, 56; 57.} これら動詞を伴うgen.が聖典に限定されることをPāṇiniは付け加えないが、これは、彼の時代にはそのように用いられており、その後に時代遅れになった可能性がある。ヴェーダ語のgen.に関する論文であるSiecke p. 50-52は、Ṛgveda-saṃhitāにおいてadhi√iadhi√gā√cit√manなどのような動詞を伴って用いられる例を与えている。√vid(知る、…を認識する、経験する)を伴うものはブラーフマナ文献でしばしば用いられる。
Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 prāṇo vai jātavedāḥ sa hi jātānāṃ veda

前述の「傷つける」を表す動詞については、Rāmāyanaにおいても、√spṛś(触る)がgen.を取る:R. 2, 75, 31 gavāṃ spṛśatu pādena, ibid. 3, 66, 60 (*2)

【補足】
P. 2, 3, 51によれば、動詞√jñāは用具(karaṇa)のgen.を取るので、√jñāは〔同じ「知る」という意味をもつ動詞である〕√vidとは決して等価でない。Kâç.がこの例を提示している:sarpiṣo jānīte = sarpiṣā karaṇena pravartate。ここでの√jñāの意味するところは十分に平明ではない(*3)

(*1)
Pāṇini(2, 3, 52)はadhīgartha(「…のことを考える」を意味するすべて)と言う。古典サンスクリットでは、√smṛ以外の他の用例が見つかるかは非常に疑わしい。

(*2)
古代ギリシャ語のτνγχάνειν, θιγγάνεινおよび類似のものと比較せよ。その他、「触る」「願う」「記憶する」の動詞を伴う目的語的gen.はインド・ヨーロッパ語族の全体に共通しているが、これらに与えうる最も確からしい説明は、それらが最初に部分を表すgen.(partitive genitive)の性格を持っていた、と見ることである。それらの結末は、サンスクリットでも姉妹言語でも同じである。古代の文献では、それらは比較的一般的である; しかし、それらは頻度・範囲の両方において時とともに漸減し、現代のサンスクリットは、その古い、かつて広く普及していたイディオムのいくつかの残骸を保持するのみである。

(*3)
よってKâçikâは、gen.を伴う√jñā(想像する、空想する)によって、mithyājñānam ajñānam evaについて異なる説明を与えている。Patañjaliはそのスートラを注釈していない。その他、jño ‘vidarthasya karaṇeとあるものについて、逆にjño vidarthasya karaṇeと読むことも可能である。すると、反対にこうなる:√vidと同義の√jñāはgen.を取り、そして事実、ヴェーダ語における√jñāは、しばしばそのように用いられる。

122. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

122.

5. The wager with verbs of playing or betting, the purchase-money with those of buying and selling is to be put in the gen., according to P. 2, 3, 57-60, thus exemplified by Kâç. śatasya vyavaharati or paṇate or dīvyati. Instances of this rule applied in literature if they occur at all, must be scanty. (*1) With the compounds of the gen. is told to be optional — śatasya or śataṃ pradīvyati — , in the brâhmaṇa the simple div is construed with the acc. of the wager, see P. 2, 3, 60 with comm.

(*1)
A prâkrt passage in Mṛcch. II, p. 68 daśaśuvaṇṇāha luddhu jūdakaru [= Skr. daśasuvarṇasya ruddo dyūtakaraḥ] (this player is detained for 10 suvarṇas) may afford an instance of it.

122. 承前4

5. P. 2, 3, 57-60によれば、「興ずる」や「賭ける」の動詞を伴う賭け事(wager)を表す名詞、購買の動詞を伴う代金(purchase-money)の名詞、はgen.に置かれる。Kâç.は以下のように例示している:śatasya 〈vyavaharati / paṇate / dīvyati〉。それらが用いられるにしても、この規則が文献に適用される例は乏しいに違いない(*1) 。gen.の複合語を伴うものは随意のものとされている:〈śatasya / śataṃ〉 pradīvyati。ブラーフマナ文献では√divが賭け事を表す名詞のacc.を取る。P. 2, 3, 60とその注釈類をみよ。

(*1)
以下のプラークリット文がその例である:Mṛcch. II, p. 68 daśaśuvaṇṇāha luddhu jūdakaru [= Skr. daśasuvarṇasya ruddo dyūtakaraḥ] (this player is detained for 10 suvarṇas)

123. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

123.

6. Verbs of fulness, repletion, satisfaction, as pūrayati, tṛp, tuṣ are often construed with a genitive, but more commonly with the instrumental. Cp. Latin vas plenum vini vel vino (*1). Examples of the genit. Suçr. 1, 116, 14 vaktramāpūryate ‘śrūṇām (the face is bathed with tears), Panc. I, 148 nāgnis tṛpyati kāṣṭhānāṃ nāpagānāṃ mahodadhiḥ / nāntakaḥ sarvabhūtānām (fire gets not satiated of wood, nor the ocean of rivers, nor death of mortal beings).

NB. But the gen. of the person, towards whom kindness is shown with puṣyati, tuṣṭa, prasīdati and other similar words is of a different kind (131). Mhbh. 1, 229, 32 tutoṣa tasya muneḥ (be became well-disposed to this brahman), Panc. 314 tuṣṭas tavāham (I am satisfied with you), R. 1, 33, 13 tasyās tuṣṭo ‘bhavadgruḥ (*2).

Rem. 1. Vedic mantras contain many instances of other similar verbs — as prī, mad, kan etc. — being construed so. Siecke, p. 44 sq.

Rem. 2. With tṛpyati the loc. is also available. Daç. 174 saśeṣa evāndhasyatṛpyata (he ate it all).

7. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of an ablative. See 126.

8. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of a dative. See 131, 132.

(*1)
Both gen. and instrum. seem to be old idioms. Yet it will seem, that the gen. with words of fulness has got out of use nowadays. R. 2, 89, 17 abhipūrṇa being construed with a gen. — nārīṇām abhipūrṇas tu kāścit [sc. nāvaḥ] kāścit tu vājinām — the commentary seems it necessary to explain the idiom : nārībhiḥ pūrṇā ityādyarthaḥ. Cp. the similar process in Latin (Quintil. 9, 3, 1).

(*2)
So Kathâs. 27, 206 tuṣṭo’smi vām; the interpunction in Brockhaus, edition is here wrong.

123. 承前5

6. pūrayati√tṛp√tuṣのような「満ちる」、「充満する」、「満足する」を表す動詞はしばしばgen.を取るが、より一般にはinst.を取る。ラテン語の”vas plenum vini vel vino”と比較せよ(*1)。gen.の例は以下の通り:
Suçr. 1, 116, 14 vaktramāpūryate ‘śrūṇām (the face is bathed with tears)
Panc. I, 148 nāgnis tṛpyati kāṣṭhānāṃ nāpagānāṃ mahodadhiḥ / nāntakaḥ sarvabhūtānām (fire gets not satiated of wood, nor the ocean of rivers, nor death of mortal beings)

【特記】
けれども、puṣyatituṣṭaprasīdatiやその類義語で親切心を向けられる人物のgen.は種類が異なる(131)。
Mhbh. 1, 229, 32 tutoṣa tasya muneḥ (be became well-disposed to this brahman)
Panc. 314 tuṣṭas tavāham (I am satisfied with you)
R. 1, 33, 13 tasyās tuṣṭo ‘bhavadgruḥ (*2)

【補足1】
ヴェーダのマントラはそのように〔inst.を〕取る他の類義の動詞—√prī√mad√kan等—の多くの例を含む。Siecke p. 44以下をみよ。

【補足2】
tṛpyatiを伴うloc.も可能である。Daç. 174 saśeṣa evāndhasyatṛpyata (he ate it all)

7. いくつかの動詞を伴うgen.はabl.のはたらきをする。126をみよ。

8. いくつかの動詞を伴うgen.はdat.のはたらきをする。131132をみよ。

(*1)
gen.とinst.はともに古びたイディオムと思われる。けれども、「満ちる」の語を伴うgen.は最近に用いられなくなったようである。 R. 2, 89, 17ではabhipūrṇaがgen.を取る:nārīṇām abhipūrṇas tu kāścit [sc. nāvaḥ] kāścit tu vājinām。その注釈は、以下のようにイディオムを説明せねばならなかったようである:nārībhiḥ pūrṇā ityādyarthaḥ。ラテン語における類似の成り行きと比較せよ(Quintil. 9, 3, 1)。

(*2)
Kathâs. 27, 206 tuṣṭo’smi vām;この点で、Brockhaus版の句読法は、校訂が間違っている。

124. Genitive with adjectives. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

124. Genitive with adjectives.

III. A genitive with adjectives is frequently used. When attending adjectives akin to transitive verbs, it is an objective gen., as Kathâs. 29, 55 jarā vināśinyasya tūpasya (old age, which will destroy this beauty). Among them are to be especially noticed:

1. Those of knowledge, skill, experience and the contrary (as abhijña, anabhijña, kovida) and ucita (wont to). Mudr. I, p. 34 sādhu vatsa / abhijñaḥ khalvasi lokavyavahārāṇāṃ (bravo, my child, you are well acquainted with the practice of the world), R. 1, 20, 24 saṃgrāmāṇām akovidaḥ (not skilled in battles); — R. 2, 51, 3 ucito janaḥ keśānām (people who are accustomed to trouble).

Examples with others: Mudr. IV, p. 146 asahā bharasya (impatient of the burden), Kâm. 3, 22 hlādinīṃ sarvasatvānām (he must speak so as to rejoice all beings).

NB. With the adjectives of knowledge and skill and with some others the locative is also used (142). (*1) {P. 2, 3, 40.}

2. āyatta (depending on) and sakta (clinging to). Panc. 231 tavāyattaḥ sa pratīkāraḥ (that remedy depends on you), ibid. 277 yat tayāsya saktaṃ kiñcid gṛhītam asti tat samarpaya (give up that, which you have taken belonging to him).

3. pūrṇa (full) and its compounds. See 123.

4. Those of likeness and equality. See 61.

Rem. Note dvitīya with gen., when subst. = »the match, the counterpart” Pat. I, 445 asya gordvitīyenārthaḥ (an other ox is wanted like this), Kathâs. 25, 178 aham evānayāmyasya dvitīyaṃ nūyurasya te (I will fetch you myself the match of this foot-ornament).

5. A great number of adjectives admit of the dative-like genitive, see 129.

(*1)
The Kâçikâ errs interpreting this sûtra so as to take āyukta and kuśala, as if they meant but these two words, though it is evident, that two categories of words are meant by Pāṇini, that of »occupation” (āyukta) and that of »skill” (kuśala). The rule given 1, 1, 68 — svaṃ rūpaṃ śabdasyāśabdasaṃjñā — is commonly interpreted in too narrow a sense. It does not purport that any word occurring in Pâṇini’s text, but for a sanjñâ, does signify but the word itself, not its synonyms — if this were so, we should have to enregister its violation every moment — but simply this: with the exception of such algebraical signs, as vu = aka, ṭha = eya, gha = the suffixes of the grades of comparison, sim., the sounds and words of which the vyâkaraṇa-sûtra is made up, are to be understood such as they are uttered. But it is left to the common sense of the reader to infer in each separate case, whether the word contained in the grammatical rule is meant as to its outer shape or as to its meaning, whether it is to denote but one or a whole class of words of the same purport, as āyukta and kuśala evidently do here.
For the rest, the vernacular grammarians themselves are obliged to admit of exceptions on their own interpretation of P. 1, 1, 68. See but the vârtt. on that sûtra.

124. 形容詞を伴うgen.

III. 形容詞を伴うgen.は頻繁に用いられる。他動詞に〔概念が〕類似した形容詞を伴う場合には目的語的gen.である:
Kathâs. 29, 55 jarā vināśinyasya tūpasya (old age, which will destroy this beauty)

それらのうち、特筆すべきものは以下の通り:

1. 知識、技能、経験やその反対物(abhijñaanabhijñakovida)およびucita(…を常とする、習慣で)を表すもの
Mudr. I, p. 34 sādhu vatsa / abhijñaḥ khalvasi lokavyavahārāṇāṃ (bravo, my child, you are well acquainted with the practice of the world)
R. 1, 20, 24 saṃgrāmāṇām akovidaḥ (not skilled in battles)
R. 2, 51, 3 ucito janaḥ keśānām (people who are accustomed to trouble)

その他を伴う例:
Mudr. IV, p. 146 asahā bharasya (impatient of the burden)
Kâm. 3, 22 hlādinīṃ sarvasatvānām (he must speak so as to rejoice all beings)

【特記】
「知識」「技能」やその他を表す形容詞を伴うloc.も用いられる(142(*1)。{P. 2, 3, 40.}

2. āyatta(…に依る)とsakta(固執した)
Panc. 231 tavāyattaḥ sa pratīkāraḥ (that remedy depends on you)
ibid. 277 yat tayāsya saktaṃ kiñcid gṛhītam asti tat samarpaya (give up that, which you have taken belonging to him)

3. pūrṇa(満杯の)とその複合語。123をみよ。

4. 類似性や等価性を表す語。61をみよ。

【補足】
gen.を伴う実名詞dvitīya(ふさわしいもの、片割れ)に注意せよ。
Pat. I, 445 asya gordvitīyenārthaḥ (an other ox is wanted like this)
Kathâs. 25, 178 aham evānayāmyasya dvitīyaṃ nūyurasya te (I will fetch you myself the match of this foot-ornament)

5. 形容詞のほとんどがdat.的gen.を許す。129をみよ。

(*1)
Kâçikâはこのスートラを、āyuktakuśalaの2つの語を表すものとして、誤って解釈している。けれども、Pāṇiniが「職業」(āyukta)と「技能」(kuśala)という、語の2つのカテゴリを意味していることは明らかである。P. 1, 1, 68の規則—svaṃ rūpaṃ śabdasyāśabdasaṃjñā—はふつう、ごく狭義の意味で解釈される。「Pāṇiniのテキストに登場するいかなる語も、それがsaṃjñāでなければ、同義語ではなくてその語それ自体を意味する」という意味ではない—そうだとするなら、それに違反する場合を一々〔スートラ中に〕明記しなければならないはずである—そうではなく、単純にこれだけの意味である:「vu(=aka)、ṭha(=eya)、gha(=比較級を表す接尾辞)等のような代数的記号(algebraical sign)が除かれている場合、vyākaraṇa-sūtraを構成する音や言葉は、発声されるように理解されるべきである」と。しかし、文法規則に含まれる語がその外形を意味するのか、それともその意味を意味するのか、また、āyuktakuśalaがここで明確に果たしているものと同じはたらきの言葉の〔その語〕1つだけを表すのか、類全体を表すのか、をそれぞれの個別のケースで推測するのは読者の常識に任されている。
その他、土着文法家は、P. 1, 1, 68の解釈について例外を認めることを余儀なくされている。当該スートラへのvârtt.をみよ。

ABLATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE.

abl.的gen.

125. Ablative-like genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

125. Ablative-like genitive.

IV. Sometimes the genitive is available in such cases as do properly belong to the category of the ablative, if there be at the same time room for the conception of „belonging to” and that of „proceeding from.” Of the kind we have already mentioned two instances, viz. 1. the genitive of origin (113), 2. that of the starting-point (98, R. 1 and 2).

Concurring with the ablative.

The latter is not limited to the cases, mentioned above, but is sometimes used side by side with the ablative even with such nouns as uttara, dakṣiṇa etc., Vishṇup. 2, 3, 1 uttaraṃ samudrasya (north of the ocean).

125. abl.的gen.

IV. gen.は、同時に「…に属する」と「から発する、生じる」の概念の占める場所がある場合、abl.のカテゴリにちょうど属しているかのように用いられ得ることがある。その類については、既に2つの例に言及した。すなわち、①起源を表すgen.(113)と②始点を表すgen.(98-補足1・2)である。後者は前述した場合に限らず、uttaradakṣiṇaなどの名詞を伴う abl.とすら並用されることがある。
Vishṇup. 2, 3, 1 uttaraṃ samudrasya (north of the ocean)

126. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

126.

On this account we may understand how the genitive is sometimes used instead of the ablative with a.) verbs of asking, wishing, taking, receiving etc., b.) of hearing, learning, c.) of being afraid of.

a.) The abl. is here the regular idiom; the gen. not frequent, as Râjat. 1, 131 rājñastasya…vṛajato vijayeśvaraṃ / yayāce kācid abalā bhojanam, R. 1, 28, 10 pratīccha mama (accept of me), M, 4, 87 rājñaḥ pratigṛhṇāti lubdhasyocchāstravartinaḥ ( — accepts of a king, who is avaricious and a transgressor of his royal duty), Panc. 225 aham asya brāhmaṇasya goyugamapahariṣyāmi. So already in the archaic dialect. Gaut. 17, 1 praśastānāṃ svakarmasu dvijātīnāṃ brāhmaṇo bhuñcīta pratigṛhṇoyāñca (a brahman is allowed to eat and to accept presents from twice-born men of good behaviour);

b.) R. 6, 31, 2 cārāṇāṃ rāvaṇaḥ śrutvā prāptaṃ rāmam (Râvana after having heard from his spies the arrival of Râma), ibid. 3, 3, 4 nibodha mama (be informed from me). So sometimes with śuśrūṣate (cp. 86 c), as R. 2, 100, 7 kañcic chuśrūṣase pituḥ.

c.) R. 2, 29, 4 tava sarve hi bibhyati (all are afraid of you), Panc. III, 195 yā mamodvijate nityam (she, who has always an aversion to me). R. 3, 46, 29-31 affords an instance of both constructions together: iha śākhāmṛgāḥ siṃhāḥ… kathaṃ tebhyo na bibhyase / … kuñcarāṇāṃ tarasvitāṃ kathaṃ… na bibheṣi.

Rem. Compare nirviṇṇa (disgusted with) with a gen. Panc. mūṣakamāṃsasya nirviṇṇāham (I am disgusted with the flesh of mice), cp. 97 , R.

Spreading of employment with modern writers.

Now and then this abl.-like genitive seems to have modern been extended beyond its limits by abuse, especially of modern writers (*1).

(*1)
But not exclusively. The older literature does not lack of instances, as R. 3, 51, 27 baddhas tvaṃ kālapāśena kva gatas tasya [instead of tasmād] mokṣyase; cp. 3, 66, 11. — A very striking example is Bhâg. Pur. 8, 6, 21 amṛtotpādane yatnaḥ kriyatām avilambitam / yasya pītasya vai jantur mṛtyugrasto, here the gen. is abusively employed instead of the abl. yasmāt pītāt. M. de Saussure, from whose valuable treatise de l’emploi du génitif absolu en Sanscrit I borrow this example (see his note on p. 10), proves the impossibility of accounting for that gen. in a satisfactory way, when starting from the absolute construction. Hereby it is however not said that the presence of the participle pīta has not moved the author of the Bhâgavata to employ the genitive instead of the ablative. Likewise I scarcely believe Kalhaṇa would have used a gen. with yāc (Râjat. 1, 131, see 126 a), if the noun were not attended by a participle. Similarly with śru the gen. is preferred, if it be wanted to express the hearing somebody say or utter something, as Mhbh. 1, 141, 18 śṛṇu vadato mama. In short, it is likely, that the relative frequency of genitives of participles in Sanskrit style, especially if compared to the rareness of similar ablatives, has favorized the spreading of the ablative-like genitive.
It may also be noticed, that in most of such cases pronouns are concerned.

126. 承前(abl.の代用としてのgen.)

このためgen.が、a.) 「尋ねる」「願う」「取る」「受け取る」等、b.) 「聞く」「学ぶ」、c.) 「…を恐れる」を表す動詞を伴うabl.の代わりに用いられていると解し得るときがある。

a.) abl.がここでの通常の語法で、gen.は頻繁ではない:
Râjat. 1, 131 rājñastasya…vṛajato vijayeśvaraṃ / yayāce kācid abalā bhojanam
R. 1, 28, 10 pratīccha mama (accept of me)
M, 4, 87 rājñaḥ pratigṛhṇāti lubdhasyocchāstravartinaḥ ( — accepts of a king, who is avaricious and a transgressor of his royal duty)
Panc. 225 aham asya brāhmaṇasya goyugamapahariṣyāmi

よってヴェーダ語では既にこのようになっている:
Gaut. 17, 1 praśastānāṃ svakarmasu dvijātīnāṃ brāhmaṇo bhuñcīta pratigṛhṇoyāñca (a brahman is allowed to eat and to accept presents from twice-born men of good behaviour)

b.)
R. 6, 31, 2 cārāṇāṃ rāvaṇaḥ śrutvā prāptaṃ rāmam (Râvana after having heard from his spies the arrival of Râma)
ibid. 3, 3, 4 nibodha mama (be informed from me)

śuśrūṣateを伴うことがある(86-cと比較せよ)
R. 2, 100, 7 kañcic chuśrūṣase pituḥ

c.)
R. 2, 29, 4 tava sarve hi bibhyati (all are afraid of you) Panc. III, 195 yā mamodvijate nityam (she, who has always an aversion to me)
R. 3, 46, 29-31 iha śākhāmṛgāḥ siṃhāḥ… kathaṃ tebhyo na bibhyase / … kuñcarāṇāṃ tarasvitāṃ kathaṃ… na bibheṣi(両方の構文が共に用いられている例)

【補足】
gen.を伴うnirviṇṇa(うんざりさせられる)と比較せよ。
Panc. mūṣakamāṃs asya nirviṇṇāham (I am disgusted with the flesh of mice)

近代の作家による用法の拡張

時々、このabl.的gen.は、特に現代の作家の乱用によって、その限界を超えて近代的に拡張されているように思われる(*1)

(*1)
けれども、近代のみのことでもなく、古い文献の例には欠かない。
R. 3, 51, 27 baddhas tvaṃ kālapāśena kva gatas tasya [instead of tasmād] mokṣyase

R. 3, 66, 11と比較せよ。—ちょうど当てはまる例は以下の通り:
Bhâg. Pur. 8, 6, 21 amṛtotpādane yatnaḥ kriyatām avilambitam / yasya pītasya vai jantur mṛtyugrasto

ここでgen.は、abl.のyasmāt pītātの代わりとして雑に用いられている。de Saussureの価値ある論文de l’emploi du génitif absolu en Sanscritから、絶対構文にあってそのようなgen.を満足のいく仕方で説明することの不可能性を示す、この例を借用する(p. 10の注釈をみよ)。しかしこれにより、分詞pītaの存在が、Bhāgavata〔purāṇa〕の作者をして、abl.の代わりにgen.を用いるように動かさなかった、とは言われていない。同様に、名詞が分詞に伴われないとしても、Kalhaṇaがyācを伴うgen.を用いていた(Râjat. 1, 131。126-aをみよ)とはとても信じられない。 また、誰かの言うことを聴取したりすることを表したい場合、śruを伴うgen.が好まれる:
Mhbh. 1, 141, 18 śṛṇu vadato mama

端的に言うと、サンスクリットの文体における分詞のgen.の相対頻度は、特に同様のgen.の希少さと比較する場合には、abl.的gen.の拡大を殊に裏付けるようである。
そのような場合のほとんどで、代名詞が関係していることも認められる。

127. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

127.

Note the genitive being used in some turns of phrase, which might be put as well in the category of the ablative as in that of the genitive.

1° a gen, with verbs of speaking etc. to denote him, about whom something is said, as Panc. 82 mamādoṣasyāpy evaṃ vadati (so he speaks of me, who am however guiltless (*1)).

2° with saṃbhāvayati and the like = »to expect of, to suppose of.” Mṛcch. IX, p. 297 sarvam asya mūrkhasya saṃbhāvyati (that blockhead is capable to everything), Panc. 34 na tādṛkapuruṣāṇām evaṃ vidhaṃ ceṣṭitaṃ saṃbhāvyati (of such men one must not suppose such conduct). But the locative is here also available.

3° with kṣam (to forbear of) etc. R. 1, 15, 7 sarvaṃ tasya kṣamām ahe, Pat. I, p. 40 etad ekam ācāryasya… mṛṣyatām. — When without object, the gen. with kṣam may be considered a dative-like one, as Mhbh. 1, 79, 9 śiṣyasyāśiṣyavṛttes tu na kṣantavyaṃ bubhūṣatā (a man who wishes his wellbeing should not forbear a scholar, who does not behave as such).

(*1)
See de Saussure l.l. p. 54 N.

127. 承前2

gen.が、gen.だけでなくabl.のカテゴリにも分類されるであろう、いくつかの言い回しで使用されていることに注意せよ。

1. 話題になっている人のことについて「話す」等の動詞を伴うgen.
Panc. 82 mamādoṣasyāpy evaṃ vadati (so he speaks of me, who am however guiltless (*1))

2. saṃbhāvayati(…を期待する、仮定する)等を伴うもの
Mṛcch. IX, p. 297 sarvam asya mūrkhasya saṃbhāvyati (that blockhead is capable to everything)
Panc. 34 na tādṛkapuruṣāṇām evaṃ vidhaṃ ceṣṭitaṃ saṃbhāvyati (of such men one must not suppose such conduct)

けれども、ここではloc.も使用可能である。

3. kṣam(…を慎む、我慢する)等を伴うもの
R. 1, 15, 7 sarvaṃ tasya kṣamām ahe
Pat. I, p. 40 etad ekam ācāryasya… mṛṣyatām

目的語を持たない場合、kṣamを伴うgen.はdat.的なものと見なされる。
Mhbh. 1, 79, 9 śiṣyasyāśiṣyavṛttes tu na kṣantavyaṃ bubhūṣatā (a man who wishes his wellbeing should not forbear a scholar, who does not behave as such)

(*1)
de Saussure [1881], p. 54 Nをみよ。

128. Time-denoting genitive. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

128. Time-denoting genitive.

The time-denoting genitive is likewise standing on the ground of the ablative, for it does always express after what time something is happening. It is usually restricted to some fixed terms, as cirasya or cirasya kālasya = cirāt, muhūrtasya = muhūrtāt etc. Çâk. VII imām ājñākarīṃ vo gāndharveṇa vidhinopayamya kasyacit kālasya [»after a while”] bandhubhir ānītāṃ smṛtiśaithilyāt pratyādiśann aparāddo ’smi, Mhbh. 1, 47, 14 katipayAhasya (after some days), R. 2, 118, 44 sudīrghasya tu kālasya rāghavo ’yaṃ… yajñaṃ draṣṭuṃ samāgataḥ

Rem. 1. It is very rare, that a not-time-denoting word is put in this gen., as Ven. I , p. 14 mama śiśor eva = mama śiśukālād evārabhya (since my very infancy).

Rem. 2. A time-denoting word may be attended by the genitive of a noun + participle. By this is denoted the time »since” some action has come to pass. Mṛcch. V, p. 172 ciraḥ khalu kālo maitreyasya vasantasenāyāḥ sakāśaṃ gatasya (it is indeed a long time, Maitreya is gone to V.), Mudr. IV, p. 134 adya daśamo māsas tātasyoparatasya (it is to day just the tenth month since father died), Ven. I, p. 25 ārya kā khalu velā tatrabhavatyāḥ prāptāyāḥ kiṃ tu… āryeṇa na lakṣitā (Sir, it is some time Mylady stays here, but you have not noticed her), Panc. 303 kiyān kālas tavaivaṃ sthitasya, R. 3, 50, 20 (*1).

(*1)
This idiom extends also to adjectives, used as participles. Utt. III, devyā śūnyasya jagato dvādaśaḥ parivatsaraḥ (it is now the twelfth year, that the world is destitute of its queen).

128. 時間を表すgen.

時間を表すgen.は、同様にabl.の地平にある。というのも、常に何事かの起こった後の時間を表すからである。これはふつう、cirasyaあるいはcirasya kālasyacirātmuhūrtasyamuhūrtātなどののような決まった語に限られる。
Çâk. VII imām ājñākarīṃ vo gāndharveṇa vidhinopayamya kasyacit kālasya [»after a while”] bandhubhir ānītāṃ smṛtiśaithilyāt pratyādiśann aparāddo ’smi
Mhbh. 1, 47, 14 katipayAhasya (after some days)
R. 2, 118, 44 sudīrghasya tu kālasya rāghavo ’yaṃ… yajñaṃ draṣṭuṃ samāgataḥ

【補足1】
時間を表すのでない語がgen.に置かれることは非常に稀である。
Ven. I , p. 14 mama śiśor eva = mama śiśukālād evārabhya (since my very infancy)

【補足2】
時間を表す語は、〈名詞のgen.〉+〈分詞〉に伴われることがある。これによって、何らかの行為が起こった「後」(since)の時間が表される。
Mṛcch. V, p. 172 ciraḥ khalu kālo maitreyasya vasantasenāyāḥ sakāśaṃ gatasya (it is indeed a long time, Maitreya is gone to V.)
Mudr. IV, p. 134 adya daśamo māsas tātasyoparatasya (it is to day just the tenth month since father died)
Ven. I, p. 25 ārya kā khalu velā tatrabhavatyāḥ prāptāyāḥ kiṃ tu… āryeṇa na lakṣitā (Sir, it is some time Mylady stays here, but you have not noticed her)
Panc. 303 kiyān kālas tavaivaṃ sthitasya
R. 3, 50, 20 (*1)

(*1)
このイディオムは、分詞として用いられる形容詞にも拡大される。
Utt. III, devyā śūnyasya jagato dvādaśaḥ parivatsaraḥ (it is now the twelfth year, that the world is destitute of its queen)

DATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE.

dat.的gen.

129. Dative-like genitive or genitivus commodi et incommodi. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

129. Dative-like genitive or genitivus commodi et incommodi.

V. The genitive serves also to denote him, who is concerned by the action or fact, the so-called remote object.

This kind of genitive, as it stands on the same ground as the dative, I name dative-like genitive. Partly it may be substituted to the dative, but in a great number of cases the dative would even be unavailable, at least in classic Sanskrit, especially, if the person concerned is to be expressed in such sentences, as where the predicate is nominal (substantive or adjective). In such turns as Kathâs. 29, 98 ihāmutra ca sādhvīnāṃ patirekā gatiḥ (for virtuous wives the only path to follow here and hereafter is their husband), Panc. II, 58 ko ’tibhāraḥ samarthānāṃ kiṃ krūraṃ vyavasāyinām / ko videśaḥ savidyānāṃ kaḥ paraḥ priyavādinām (what is too heavy for the vigorous? what danger does exist for the audacious? what is a foreign country for the learned? who is unattainable for the flatterer?) the genitive is the regular idiom, and the dative out of use. Likewise the genitive — not the dative — is to be employed, with adjectives of friendship and enmity, fitness and unfitness, good and evil etc., as Panc. 331 asya matsyāmiṣaṃ sadā priyam (a fish-dinner is always welcome to him), ibid. 213 na yuktaṃ bhavataḥ (it does not suit you).

Examples: Kumâr. 3, 10 ke mama dhanvino ‘nye (who are other archers to me?), Mṛcch. VIll p. 246 madanaḥ] satpuruṣasya… bhavati mṛdurnaiva vā bhavati (the God of Love is either mild for an honest man or he does not exist for him), Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 avijñātā bhavaṣyāmo lokasya (we shall be unknown to the people), Panc. 200 yathārthavādino dṛtasya na doṣaḥ karaṇīyaḥ (one must not take it ill of a messenger, if he speaks plain), Çâk. IV bhartur viprakṛtāpi roṣaṇatayā māsma pratīpaṃ gamaḥ (do not oppose your husband by anger, even when offended).

With adjectives, as priya etc.

Among the adjectives, which comply with a gen., note such as anurūpa, anukūla and pratikūla, priya and vipriya, yogya, yukta — and even the verb yujyate (to suit) — and their synonyms. So Nala. 1, 19 kariṣyāmi tava priyam, Panc. III, 104 ātmanaḥ pratikūlāni pareṣāṃ na samācaret (one should not do to others, what is grievous to one’s self), Mṛcch. I, p. 58 ayogyamidaṃ nyāsasya gṛham (this house is not fit for a deposit), ibid. X, p. 355 na yujyate tava prāṇaparityāgaḥ, Mâlav. IV, p. 96 śītakriyā cāsyā rujaḥ praśistā (and cold is excellent against this ailment), Mhbh. 1, 15, 4 samaḥ sarvasya lokasya (the same to all beings), Mâlav, IV, p. 88 ka evaṃ vimukho ‘smākam (who is so disinclined to me?), ibid. III, p, 75 paryāptam etāvatā kāminām (so much suffices for persons in love).

So sadṛśa and ucita, when = »becoming to, suiting.” R. 2, 30, 41 sarvathā sadṛśaṃ sīte mama svasya kulasya ca / vyavasāyam anukrāntā kānte tvam atiśobhanam; Çâk. I ucitam evaitat puruvaṃśaprabhavanarendrapradīpasya. As to arha and anarha cp. the foot-note on p. 40 of this book. Note also anagha, anṛṇa etc. with a gen. = »guiltless towards”, as R. 2, 49, 7 prajānām anagha, M, 9, 106 pitṝṇām anṛṇaḥ (having paid his debts to the pitaras).

Rem. 1. Pâṇini teaches, that with participles in -ta the genitive must be used, and not the instrum. of the agent, if the participle is employed as a present one. {P. 2, 3, 67.} Such genitives as rājñāṃ mataḥ (approved by the kings), rājñāṃ pūjitaḥ (honored by the kings) fall within the limits of this rule. See Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 and Çâk. IV quoted above, and cp. Çâk. II vidito bhavān āśramasadāmihasthaḥ (your staying here is known to the hermits).

Rem. 2. On the genit. with krtyâs see 66 R. According to P. 2, 3, 69 the genitive is forbidden with the krts khalarthe, that is such as sulabha, īṣatkara (cp. P. 3, 3, 126 sq.). Kâç. gives as examples īṣadkaro bhavatā kaṭaḥ (the mat is scarcely to be made by you), īṣatpānaḥ somo bhavatā. So R. 3, 5, 23 karma hy anena kartavyaṃ mahadanyaiḥ suduṣkaram. In fact, however, sukara, duṣkara, sulabha, durlabha are often construed with the genitive. Daç. 72 dvitīyas tu sarvasyaiva sulabhaḥ, R. 2, 97, 7 neyaṃ mahī durlabhā, Kathâs. 24, 65 kiṃ nāma kitavasya hi duṣkaram.

129. dat的gen. / 利益・不利益のgen.

V. gen.は、行為や事実の利害に関係するところの人物、いわゆる間接目的語を表すことにも資する。

この類の、dat.と同じ場所にあるgen.を、私はdat.的gen.と呼称する。部分的にはdat.に代置しうるけれども、ほとんどの場合は、少なくとも古典サンスクリットにおいて、とりわけ述語が名詞(実名詞・形容詞)の文章中に関係する人物が表現される場合には、dat.も用いることができないだろう。このような言い回しは以下の通り:
Kathâs. 29, 98 ihāmutra ca sādhvīnāṃ patirekā gatiḥ (for virtuous wives the only path to follow here and hereafter is their husband)
Panc. II, 58 ko ’tibhāraḥ samarthānāṃ kiṃ krūraṃ vyavasāyinām / ko videśaḥ savidyānāṃ kaḥ paraḥ priyavādinām (what is too heavy for the vigorous? what danger does exist for the audacious? what is a foreign country for the learned? who is unattainable for the flatterer?)

gen.が通常のイディオムで、dat.は用いられない。同様にgen.—dat.でなく—が、友愛・敵意、適合性・非適合性、善・悪などの形容詞を伴って用いられる。
Panc. 331 asya matsyāmiṣaṃ sadā priyam (a fish-dinner is always welcome to him)
ibid. 213 na yuktaṃ bhavataḥ (it does not suit you)

例:
Kumâr. 3, 10 ke mama dhanvino ‘nye (who are other archers to me?)
Mṛcch. VIll p. 246 madanaḥ] satpuruṣasya… bhavati mṛdurnaiva vā bhavati (the God of Love is either mild for an honest man or he does not exist for him)
Mhbh. 1, 141, 36 avijñātā bhavaṣyāmo lokasya (we shall be unknown to the people)
Panc. 200 yathārthavādino dṛtasya na doṣaḥ karaṇīyaḥ (one must not take it ill of a messenger, if he speaks plain)
Çâk. IV bhartur viprakṛtāpi roṣaṇatayā māsma pratīpaṃ gamaḥ (do not oppose your husband by anger, even when offended)

priya等の形容詞を伴うもの

gen.に従う形容詞の中、anurūpaanukūlapratikūlapriyavipriyayogyayukta—そして動詞yujyate(合う)も—およびそれらの同義語に注意せよ。
Nala. 1, 19 kariṣyāmi tava priyam
Panc. III, 104 ātmanaḥ pratikūlāni pareṣāṃ na samācaret (one should not do to others, what is grievous to one’s self)
Mṛcch. I, p. 58 ayogyamidaṃ nyāsasya gṛham (this house is not fit for a deposit)
ibid. X, p. 355 na yujyate tava prāṇaparityāgaḥ
Mâlav. IV, p. 96 śītakriyā cāsyā rujaḥ praśistā (and cold is excellent against this ailment)
Mhbh. 1, 15, 4 samaḥ sarvasya lokasya (the same to all beings)
Mâlav, IV, p. 88 ka evaṃ vimukho ‘smākam (who is so disinclined to me?)
ibid. III, p, 75 paryāptam etāvatā kāminām (so much suffices for persons in love)

「…に相応しい、適した」を表す場合のsadṛśaucitaは以下の通り:
R. 2, 30, 41 sarvathā sadṛśaṃ sīte mama svasya kulasya ca / vyavasāyam anukrāntā kānte tvam atiśobhanam
Çâk. I ucitam evaitat puru-vaṃśa-prabhava-narendra-pradīpasya

arhaanarhaについては本書p. 40の注釈をみよ(52-注4)。gen.を伴うanaghaanṛṇa(負債なき)等にも注意せよ。
R. 2, 49, 7 prajānām anagha
M, 9, 106 pitṝṇām anṛṇaḥ (having paid his debts to the pitaras)

【補足1】
Pāṇiniは、分詞-taが現在時制として用いられる場合、行為者(kartṛ)のinst.ではなくgen.が用いられねばならない、と教示する。{P. 2, 3, 67.} rājñāṃ mataḥ(王に認められた)、rājñāṃ pūjitaḥ(王を名誉に思って)のようなgen.はこの規則の範囲に入る。Mhbh. 1, 141, 36および上記に引用したÇâk. IVをみよ。また、以下と比較せよ: Çâk. II vidito bhavān āśramasadāmihasthaḥ (your staying here is known to the hermits)

【補足2】
kṛtya(未来受動分詞)を伴うgen.については66-補足をみよ。P. 2, 3, 69によれば、khal-artheのkṛt接尾辞、すなわちsulabhaīṣatkaraのような語を伴うgen.は許されない(P. 3, 3, 126以下と比較せよ)。Kâç.は例として以下を与えている:īṣadkaro bhavatā kaṭaḥ (the mat is scarcely to be made by you)、īṣatpānaḥ somo bhavatā。よって以下のような用例がある:
R. 3, 5, 23 karma hy anena kartavyaṃ mahad anyaiḥ suduṣkaram

けれども実際には、sukaraduṣkarasulabhadurlabhaはしばしばgen.に係る。
Daç. 72 dvitīyas tu sarvasyaiva sulabhaḥ
R. 2, 97, 7 neyaṃ mahī durlabhā
Kathâs. 24, 65 kiṃ nāma kitavasya hi duṣkaram

130. Dative-like gen. = to have. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

130. Dative-like gen. = to have.

When used with the verb substantive expressed or implied, the dative-like genitive is not seldom equivalent to our verb to have. Pat. I, 427 one asks the other kati bhavataḥ putrāḥ / kati bhavato bharyāḥ (how many children have you? how many wives ?). Cp. the Latin phrase est mihi filius. Ait. Br. 7, 13, 1 tasya ha śataṃ jāyā babhūvuḥ, Çâk. I asti no ‘nyatra praṣṭavyam (I have something else to ask you about), Panc. 166 anyatra gatānāṃ ghanaṃ bhavati (men make money, if they go abroad). Likewise in such terms as kiṃ tavānena (what have I [to meddle, to do] with him?), cp. 88 R. 2.

130. dat.的gen.=「…を持つ」(to have)

明言・暗示に関わらず、存在動詞と用いられる場合、dat.的gen.はしばしば英語の”to have”(…を持つ)と等価である。
Pat. I, 427 one asks the other kati bhavataḥ putrāḥ / kati bhavato bharyāḥ (how many children have you? how many wives ?)〔ラテン語の”est mihi filius”と比較せよ〕
Ait. Br. 7, 13, 1 tasya ha śataṃ jāyā babhūvuḥ
Çâk. I asti no ‘nyatra praṣṭavyam (I have something else to ask you about)
Panc. 166 anyatra gatānāṃ ghanaṃ bhavati (men make money, if they go abroad)

kiṃ tavānena(何を私は彼と〔するのか〕?)のような句も同様。88-補足2をみよ。

131. Dat.-like genitive with verbs. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

131. Dat.-like genitive with verbs.

The dative-like genitive attends even on verbs. Mṛcch. X, p. 875 kim asya pāpasyānuṣṭhīyatām (what is to be done to this wicked man?) and ibid. X, p. 384 kim asya bhikṣoḥ kriyatām (what is to be done for this monk?) are striking examples of the sixth case used so. It is especially verbs of doing good or evil (as upakṛ, prasad, apakṛ, aparādh), viśvas (to trust), kṣam (to forbear) and some others which partake of this idiom, its concurrent construction being the locative, rarely, if at all, the dative (*1).

Examples: R. Gorr. 4, 38, 47 mitrāṇāmupakurvaṇo rājyaṃ rakṣitum arhasi (you must guard your kingdom by doing well to your friends), ibid, 3, 1, 16 rāmasya satkṛtya (offered hospitality to R.), Panc. 289 kiṃ mayā tasyās tavāpi cāpakṛtam (in what have I injured her or you?), Çâk. VII aparāddho ‘smi tatrabhavataḥ kaṇvasya (I have sinned against the reverend Kanva), Panc. 38 sa na kasyacid viśvas iti (he trusts nobody), Mhbh. 1, 23, 26 prasīda naḥ prayācatām (be merciful to us, who beseech thee), Mâlat, VII, p. 126 vāyur yūnām abhinavavadhūsaṃnidhānaṃ vyanakti (the wind declares to the young men the nearness of young women).

Rem. In Latin, with such turns as adimo vestem servo or servi, civium or civibus dolor auctus est, the dative and the genitive are both available. Sanskrit invariably uses the genitive. Panc. II, 141 udyamena hi sidhyanti kāryāṇi na manorathaiḥ / na hi siṃhasya suptasya praviśanti mukhe mṛgāḥ (it is by exertion, that enterprises are successful, not by wishing, deer do not enter the mouth of a sleeping lion), ibid. p. 145 hiraṇyako ’pi mantharakasya praṇāmaṃ kṛtvā (H. made his reverence to M.), ibid. 137 mama mahatī prītiḥ saṃjātā (I have got great pleasure).

(*1)
As to aparādh, upakṛ, apakṛ, viśvas, I do not remember having met with any instance of their agreeing with a dative; kṣam governs a dative Bhaṭṭ. 4, 39. Upon the whole, the dative of profit and damage within its narrower limits is very scarce in Sanskrit, cp. 84.

131. 動詞を伴うdat.的gen.

dat.的gen.は動詞にも付随する。以下がそのように用いられるgen.の好例である:
Mṛcch. X, p. 875 kim asya pāpasyānuṣṭhīyatām (what is to be done to this wicked man?)
ibid. X, p. 384 kim asya bhikṣoḥ kriyatām (what is to be done for this monk?)

このイディオムに加わるのは、特に「善行・悪行をなす」(upa√kṛpra√sadapa√kṛapa√rādh)、vi√śvas(信じる)、√kṣam(我慢する)やその他であり、同じはたらきをする構文はloc.で、稀にdat.である(*1)。

例:
R. Gorr. 4, 38, 47 mitrāṇāmupakurvaṇo rājyaṃ rakṣitum arhasi (you must guard your kingdom by doing well to your friends)
ibid, 3, 1, 16 rāmasya satkṛtya (offered hospitality to R.)
Panc. 289 kiṃ mayā tasyās tavāpi cāpakṛtam (in what have I injured her or you?)
Çâk. VII aparāddho ‘smi tatrabhavataḥ kaṇvasya (I have sinned against the reverend Kanva)
Panc. 38 sa na kasyacid viśvas iti (he trusts nobody)
Mhbh. 1, 23, 26 prasīda naḥ prayācatām (be merciful to us, who beseech thee)
Mâlat, VII, p. 126 vāyur yūnām abhinavavadhūsaṃnidhānaṃ vyanakti (the wind declares to the young men the nearness of young women)

【補足】
ラテン語では、”adimo vestem 〈servo / servi〉”、”〈civium / civibus〉 dolor auctus est” のような言い回しで、dat.とgen.が共に使用可能である。サンスクリットは常にgen.を用いる。
Panc. II, 141 udyamena hi sidhyanti kāryāṇi na manorathaiḥ / na hi siṃhasya suptasya praviśanti mukhe mṛgāḥ (it is by exertion, that enterprises are successful, not by wishing, deer do not enter the mouth of a sleeping lion)
ibid. p. 145 hiraṇyako ’pi mantharakasya praṇāmaṃ kṛtvā (H. made his reverence to M.)
ibid. 137 mama mahatī prītiḥ saṃjātā (I have got great pleasure)

(*1)
apa√rādhupa√kṛapa√kṛvi√śvasについて、私には、これらがdat.と〔性・数・格が〕一致する例に出会った覚えがない;√kṣamはdat.支配である(Bhaṭṭ. 4, 39)。全体として、狭義の利益・損害のdat.は、サンスクリットではとても少ない。84をみよ。

132. Genitive of the remote object. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

132. Genitive of the remote object.

Finally, the genitive is allowed to attend all verbs, as are commonly construed with the dative of concern. Such a genitive may be not without affectation (*1), it is object of frequent occurrence in literature (*2). So it is found with 1. verbs of giving, offering, 2. of telling, speaking, 3. of carrying, sending, 4. of showing, 5. of enjoining, 6. of promising, 7. of pleasing, 8. of being angry, 9. of bowing, prostrating one’s self, etc.

Examples: 1. Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 prajāpater ātmānaṃ paridadāni (let me surrender myself to Pr.), Panc. 85 mayā tasyābhayaṃ pradattam (I have granted him safety), Çâk. I sūtasyābharaṇāni dhanuś copanīyārpayati, Mṛcch. II, p. 80 anyāntāvad daśa suvarṇānasyaiva prayaccha (give but to this very fellow ten other pieces of gold).

2. Mhbh, 1, 12, 6 cakhyau pituḥ (he told his father—), Panc. 292 kathayāsmākaṃ deśāntaravṛttāntam (relate us of your adventures in foreign countries), Mṛcch. I, p. 45 yadīmaṃ vārttām āryacārudattasya nākhyāsyasi, Panc. 246 tatasytaiḥ sarvaireva gatvā dardurarājasya vijñaptam (then they went all and addressed the king of frogs), ibid. 62 sa tadākarṇyānyeṣāmapi jalacarāṇāṃ tat tasya vacanaṃ nivedayāmāsa.

3. Çâk. III kasyedamuśīrānulepanaṃ mṛṇālavanti ca nalinīpattrāṇi nīyante (to whom are carried — ?), ibid. IV tām adya saṃpreṣya parigṛhītuḥ (having sent her now to her husband).

4. Kathâs. 29, 18 adarśayattasyāḥ putrikāḥ (she showed her the puppets).

5. Panc. 289 tena ca mama samādiṣṭam (and he prescribed me), Çâk. IV bhaginyāste mārgam ādeśaya (show the way to your sister).

6. M, 9, 99 anyasya pratijñāya punaranyasya dīyate (she has been promised to one and given to another).

7. Panc. 235 kiṃ tava rocata eṣa (does he please you?).

8. R. 2, 100, 33 bhṛtā bhartuḥ kupyanti (servants are moved with anger against their master), Çâk. mamānatikuddho muniḥ

9. Var. Yog. 2, 32 ekasya praṇamanti maryāḥ (people bow to one), R. II, sarga 96*, 47 nyapatatkāko rāghavasya mahātmanaḥ (the crow prostrated himself to the magnanimous Râma).

Rem. Even śraddhā (to believe) is met with gen. Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 na bahūnāṃ canānyeṣāṃ śraddadhāti (he does not believe others, however many).

(*1)
So at least is the opinion of Anandoram Borooah (§212 of his »Higher Sanskrit Grammar”) —and his opinion may be considered to hold good nowadays in India with Sanskrit-writing people — »the gen. is also occasionally used for the Dat. or Indirect Object, especially by pedantic writers” and »it will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic, is very ambiguous.” The ambiguity, however, cannot be very great, for as a rule the context will show us how to accept such genitives, and in such cases, as where the context would not enable us to understand him plainly, a good writer will avoid all ambiguous constructions. That the dative-like genitive has been known and employed in India of old — though not to the extent, it has got in the classic dialect — may be seen from some of the examples quoted above. As with other concurrent idioms, there is many an instance of both cases used together, as R. 2, 34, 6 dvāri tiṣṭhati te sutaḥ / brāhmaṇebhyo dhanaṃ dattvā sarvaṃ caivopajīvinām, schol. upajīvināṃ ca tebhyaś ca dattvā. In the comment of Kâç. on P. 3, 3, 111 the printed text has ṛṇāṃ yatparasya dhāryate, the other reading parasmai is mentioned in a foot-note.

(*2)
In the vulgar dialects the dative has got obsolete, and the genitive has been substituted to it, the few traces of a dative in Prâkrit literature being owed to the artificial language of dramatic poetry. See Lassen Inst, linguae pracriticae, p. 299, Vararuci Prâkṛtaprakâça 6, 64.
Kuhn Beiträge zur Pali Grammatik, p. 70 sq. gives an account of the remnants of the dative in Pali, which are more considerable, than in the other prâkṛts, and contain both infinitives in -tave and datives in -âya, especially atthâya = skṛt arthâya; as a rule, the pali dative serves to denote the purpose. The same process has been at work in Modern Greek. Schinas, Grammaire élémentaire du grec moderne, Paris, 1829 p. 90: »le génitif sert de régime indirect aux verbes et remplace le datif: δώσε μου ψωμί donne-moi du pain, λέγω τοῦ χριτοῦ τὴν ᾰ̓λήθειᾰν je dis aujnge la vérité.”

132. 間接目的語のgen.

最後に、gen.は、ふつうは機会のdat.を取るあらゆる動詞に伴うことが許されている。そのようなgen.には〔文学的な〕衒いがあり(*1)、文学作品では頻繁に起こる(*2)。よって、以下の動詞を伴って見られる:1. 与える、提供する、2. 伝える、話す、3. 運ぶ、送る、4. 見せる、5. 禁ずる、6. 約束する、7. 気に入る、8. 怒る、9. お辞儀する、ひれ伏す、等。

例:
1.
Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 prajāpater ātmānaṃ paridadāni (let me surrender myself to Pr.)
Panc. 85 mayā tasyābhayaṃ pradattam (I have granted him safety)
Çâk. I sūtasyābharaṇāni dhanuś copanīyārpayati
Mṛcch. II, p. 80 anyāntāvad daśa suvarṇānasyaiva prayaccha (give but to this very fellow ten other pieces of gold)

2.
Mhbh, 1, 12, 6 cakhyau pituḥ (he told his father—)
Panc. 292 kathayāsmākaṃ deśāntaravṛttāntam (relate us of your adventures in foreign countries)
Mṛcch. I, p. 45 yadīmaṃ vārttām āryacārudattasya nākhyāsyasi
Panc. 246 tatasytaiḥ sarvaireva gatvā dardurarājasya vijñaptam (then they went all and addressed the king of frogs)
ibid. 62 sa tadākarṇyānyeṣām api jalacarāṇāṃ tat tasya vacanaṃ nivedayām āsa

3.
Çâk. III kasyedamuśīrānulepanaṃ mṛṇālavanti ca nalinīpattrāṇi nīyante (to whom are carried — ?)
ibid. IV tām adya saṃpreṣya parigṛhītuḥ (having sent her now to her husband)

4.
Kathâs. 29, 18 adarśayattasyāḥ putrikāḥ (she showed her the puppets)

5.
Panc. 289 tena ca mama samādiṣṭam (and he prescribed me)
Çâk. IV bhaginyāste mārgam ādeśaya (show the way to your sister)

6.
M, 9, 99 anyasya pratijñāya punaranyasya dīyate (she has been promised to one and given to another)

7.
Panc. 235 kiṃ tava rocata eṣa (does he please you?)

8.
R. 2, 100, 33 bhṛtā bhartuḥ kupyanti (servants are moved with anger against their master)
Çâk. mamānatikuddho muniḥ

9.
Var. Yog. 2, 32 ekasya praṇamanti maryāḥ (people bow to one)
R. II, sarga 96*, 47 nyapatatkāko rāghavasya mahātmanaḥ (the crow prostrated himself to the magnanimous Râma)

【補足】
śrat√dhā(信じる)がgen.を取ることもある。
Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 na bahūnāṃ canānyeṣāṃ śraddadhāti (he does not believe others, however many)

(*1)
少なくとも、Anandoram Borooah(Higher Sanskrit Grammar, §212)の見解ではそうである。彼の見解は、現在のインドにおいてサンスクリットを書く人々の間では、通用すると考えられる—
”the gen. is also occasionally used for the Dat. or Indirect Object, especially by pedantic writers”, “it will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic, is very ambiguous”.
「gen.は時に、特に衒学的な作者によって、dat.=間接目的語のために用いられることがある」「上記の例から、そのような用法が衒学的であることに加えて、非常に曖昧なことが見て取られる」
しかしながら、その曖昧さはあまり重大なものではない。原則として、そのようなgen.をどのように見なすかは文脈が示してくれるし、それが文脈で明確に理解できるようにならない場合には、よい作者はあらゆる曖昧な構文を避ける。このように、インドでは昔からdat.的gen.が知られ、用いられてきた—多くはないけれども、古典サンスクリットにある—ことは、上に引用した用例のいくつかから見て取られる。他の同じはたらきをするイディオムについては、両方の格が共に用いられる用例が多くある:
R. 2, 34, 6 dvāri tiṣṭhati te sutaḥ / brāhmaṇebhyo dhanaṃ dattvā sarvaṃ caivopajīvinām
schol. upajīvināṃ ca tebhyaś ca dattvā

Kâç.の注釈(on P. 3, 3, 111)に関して、印刷版のテキストにはṛṇāṃ yatparasya dhāryateとあるが、脚注には異読であるparasmaiが言及されている。

(*2)
俗語では、dat.は廃れ、gen.がその代わりに用いられている。プラークリット文献におけるdat.の痕跡のいくつかは、演劇詩の人工言語に帰される。Lassen [1837], p. 299、VararuciのPrākṛtaprakāśa 6, 64をみよ(*訳注)。Kuhn (E.) [1875], p. 70以下は、他のプラークリットよりも重要な、パーリ語における、-taveの不定詞と-āyaのdat.の両方を含むdat.の残骸、特にP. atthāya=S. arthāyaについて説明している;原則として、パーリ語のdat.は目的を表すことに資する。同じ経過が現代ギリシャ語で進行している。Schinas [1829], p. 90:「gen.は、動詞の間接目的語(régime indirect)としてはたらき、dat.を置き換える:δώσε μου ψωμί(パンをください)、λέγω τοῦ χριτοῦ τὴν ᾰ̓λήθειᾰν(私は真実を語っている)」

(*訳注)
Cowell 1854, p. 59:
// caturthyāḥ ṣaṣṭhī // 64 //
caturthīvibhakteḥ sthāne ṣaṣṭhīvibhaktir bhavati // vamhaṇassa dehi / vamhaṇāṇa dehi // brāhmaṇāya dehi / vrāhmaṇebhyo dehi //

132*. - Sanskrit Syntax of J. S. Speijer

132*.

The dative of the purpose is not interchangeable with the genitive (*1).

(*1)
In the prâkṛts even then. It is singular, that an observer as accurate, as Pâṇini is, should have overlooked the important function of the dative-like genitive. A rule of his, indeed, mentions the sixth case caturthyarthe bahulam (2, 3, 62), but the word chandasi added and the examples proffered by tradition show that according to the vulgar interpretation we have here a very special enjoinment, closely connected to the preceding sutra (61), not one of general bearing. Yet I greatly doubt the exactness of that explication, by which the word caturthyarthe is quite superfluous, as devatāsaṃpradāne needs must be repeated from s. 61, and this suffices for the vulgar interpretation. Perhaps we may remove the technical difficulty by an other distribution of the words, that make up sûtra 61-63. When read uno tenore, we get preṣyabruvorhaviṣo devatāsaṃpradāne caturthyarthe bahulaṃ chandasi yajeś ca karaṇe. It would be convenient both to the internal probability and to the simplicity of the interpretation, if they are divided in this but slightly different manner: 61. preṣyabruvorhaviṣo devatāsaṃpradāne, 62. caturthyarthe bahulaṃ, 63. chandasi yajeś ca karaṇe. According to this partition, Pâṇini, after having given in 61 a special rule about the gen. being employed in some formulae of sacrificing, adds in 62 the general enjoinment that in many cases, where the dative is required — mark caturthyarthe, which encompasses by far more than saṃpradānethe genitive is likewise available, either by preference, or optionally, but not in all. For thus is the meaning bahulam;
kvacit pravṛttiḥ kvacid apravṛttiḥ kvacid vibhāṣā kvacid anyad eva / vidher vidhānam bahudhā samīkṣya caturvidhaṃ bāhulakaṃ vadanti
(see Boethlingk Pâṇini II, p. 82). — As to sûtra 63 chandasi yajeś ca karaṇe, it offers no difficulty in itself, but disturbs the methodical arrangement of the rules which treat of the employment of the genitive (2, 3, 50-73). For this reason I consider it an additional rule, interpolated at an unproper place — we had rather expected it between s. 51 and 52 — so as to obscurate by its close following the sûtra 62, the right understanding of the latter. That there are several rules in our Pâṇini, which did not belong to the original work, but were at the outset vârttikâs, which afterwards have been taken up in the text, is a fact now universally acknowledged. As concerns the s. 63, I remark, that many other vaidik gen. partitives with verbs (119) are not mentioned by Pâṇini, and that the seeming anomaly of yaj (cp. 45 R.) must have drawn special attention for all that regarded that verb; in a time as early as Patañjali, it was already considered to have something peculiar, see his comment on P. 1, 4, 32 = Pat. I, p. 331 (in the Kâçikâ his words are wrongly indicated as if they were a vârttikâ).

132*.

目的のdat.は、gen.と交換できない(*1)

(*1)
プラークリットにおいても同様。Pāṇiniのように正確な観察者が、dat.的gen.の重要な機能を見落としていたのは奇妙である。実際、彼の規則は第6格についてcaturthyarthe bahulam(P. 2, 3, 62)と言及するが、chandasi(=ヴェーダ語においては…)の語が加えられている。伝統的に好まれる用例は、一般に行われている解釈によれば、ここに非常に特殊な、一般的な意味・挙動(general bearing)のものではない、前のスートラ(61)に密接に関連している禁則事項がある、ということを示している。けれども、devatāsaṃpradāneがs. 61から繰り返さなければならないからcaturthyarthe bahulamの語がまったく余計である、という説明の正確さは非常に疑わしい。が、俗流の解釈には十分である。
ことによると、s. 61-63を構成する他の語の分布によって、技術的な困難は取り除き得るかもしれない。〔61-63を〕続けて(uno tenore)読む場合、preṣyabruvorhaviṣo devatāsaṃpradāne caturthyarthe bahulaṃ chandasi yajeś ca karaṇeが得られる。〔また、〕これらがこのように〔すなわち、スートラの通りに〕分割されているけれども、わずかに〔分割〕方法が異なる場合、内的な確からしさと解釈の単純さの両方に対して都合が良い:
61. preṣyabruvorhaviṣo devatāsaṃpradāne
62. caturthyarthe bahulaṃ
63. chandasi yajeś ca karaṇe
この区分によるならば、Pāṇiniは、s. 61で供犠に関する決り文句に用いられるgen.についての特別な規則を与えた後で、s. 62において、dat.が必要とされる多くの場合についての一般的な禁止事項を付加する—saṃpradāneよりも遥かに多くを包含するcaturthyartheに注意せよ—好みによって、あるいは随意で、gen.は〔第4格と〕同様に用いられうるが、あらゆる場合にではない。これがbahulamの意味になる。
kvacit pravṛttiḥ kvacid apravṛttiḥ kvacid vibhāṣā kvacid anyad eva / vidher vidhānam bahudhā samīkṣya caturvidhaṃ bāhulakaṃ vadanti
(Böhtlingk, Pāṇini’s Grammatik, II, p. 82をみよ)—s. 63 chandasi yajeś ca karaṇeについては、それ自体は難しくないものの、gen.の用法を扱う規則の系統的な配置を妨げる(2, 3, 50-73)。このため、私はそれを不適切な場所で補間されている追加規則と考えている—むしろs. 51と52の間にそれが期待される—その近くのs. 62によって、後者〔s. 52〕の正しい理解が曖昧になっているのである。〔というのも、〕我々の〔触れるところの〕Pāṇini〔文典〕には、原典には属さず、最初は諸vārttikaにあり、後に本文に取り上げられた規則がある、ということは現在では普遍的に認められている事実である。
63に関しては、他の多くのヴェーダ語〔特有〕の動詞を伴う、部分を表すgen.(119)がPāṇiniによって言及されていないこと、また√yajが特異に思われること(45-補足)は、その動詞を見るすべての人にとって特別な注意を引いたに違いない、ということを指摘しておく。√yajは、Patañjaliあたりの時代には、すでに何か妙なものと考えられていた。P. 1, 4, 32への彼の注釈=Pat. I, p. 331をみよ(Kâçでは、彼の注釈はvârtt.のものであるかのように間違って示されている)。