132. Genitive of the remote object.

Finally, the genitive is allowed to attend all verbs, as are commonly construed with the dative of concern. Such a genitive may be not without affectation (*1), it is object of frequent occurrence in literature (*2). So it is found with 1. verbs of giving, offering, 2. of telling, speaking, 3. of carrying, sending, 4. of showing, 5. of enjoining, 6. of promising, 7. of pleasing, 8. of being angry, 9. of bowing, prostrating one’s self, etc.

Examples: 1. Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 prajāpater ātmānaṃ paridadāni (let me surrender myself to Pr.), Panc. 85 mayā tasyābhayaṃ pradattam (I have granted him safety), Çâk. I sūtasyābharaṇāni dhanuś copanīyārpayati, Mṛcch. II, p. 80 anyāntāvad daśa suvarṇānasyaiva prayaccha (give but to this very fellow ten other pieces of gold).

2. Mhbh, 1, 12, 6 cakhyau pituḥ (he told his father—), Panc. 292 kathayāsmākaṃ deśāntaravṛttāntam (relate us of your adventures in foreign countries), Mṛcch. I, p. 45 yadīmaṃ vārttām āryacārudattasya nākhyāsyasi, Panc. 246 tatasytaiḥ sarvaireva gatvā dardurarājasya vijñaptam (then they went all and addressed the king of frogs), ibid. 62 sa tadākarṇyānyeṣāmapi jalacarāṇāṃ tat tasya vacanaṃ nivedayāmāsa.

3. Çâk. III kasyedamuśīrānulepanaṃ mṛṇālavanti ca nalinīpattrāṇi nīyante (to whom are carried — ?), ibid. IV tām adya saṃpreṣya parigṛhītuḥ (having sent her now to her husband).

4. Kathâs. 29, 18 adarśayattasyāḥ putrikāḥ (she showed her the puppets).

5. Panc. 289 tena ca mama samādiṣṭam (and he prescribed me), Çâk. IV bhaginyāste mārgam ādeśaya (show the way to your sister).

6. M, 9, 99 anyasya pratijñāya punaranyasya dīyate (she has been promised to one and given to another).

7. Panc. 235 kiṃ tava rocata eṣa (does he please you?).

8. R. 2, 100, 33 bhṛtā bhartuḥ kupyanti (servants are moved with anger against their master), Çâk. mamānatikuddho muniḥ

9. Var. Yog. 2, 32 ekasya praṇamanti maryāḥ (people bow to one), R. II, sarga 96*, 47 nyapatatkāko rāghavasya mahātmanaḥ (the crow prostrated himself to the magnanimous Râma).

Rem. Even śraddhā (to believe) is met with gen. Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 na bahūnāṃ canānyeṣāṃ śraddadhāti (he does not believe others, however many).

(*1)
So at least is the opinion of Anandoram Borooah (§212 of his »Higher Sanskrit Grammar”) —and his opinion may be considered to hold good nowadays in India with Sanskrit-writing people — »the gen. is also occasionally used for the Dat. or Indirect Object, especially by pedantic writers” and »it will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic, is very ambiguous.” The ambiguity, however, cannot be very great, for as a rule the context will show us how to accept such genitives, and in such cases, as where the context would not enable us to understand him plainly, a good writer will avoid all ambiguous constructions. That the dative-like genitive has been known and employed in India of old — though not to the extent, it has got in the classic dialect — may be seen from some of the examples quoted above. As with other concurrent idioms, there is many an instance of both cases used together, as R. 2, 34, 6 dvāri tiṣṭhati te sutaḥ / brāhmaṇebhyo dhanaṃ dattvā sarvaṃ caivopajīvinām, schol. upajīvināṃ ca tebhyaś ca dattvā. In the comment of Kâç. on P. 3, 3, 111 the printed text has ṛṇāṃ yatparasya dhāryate, the other reading parasmai is mentioned in a foot-note.

(*2)
In the vulgar dialects the dative has got obsolete, and the genitive has been substituted to it, the few traces of a dative in Prâkrit literature being owed to the artificial language of dramatic poetry. See Lassen Inst, linguae pracriticae, p. 299, Vararuci Prâkṛtaprakâça 6, 64.
Kuhn Beiträge zur Pali Grammatik, p. 70 sq. gives an account of the remnants of the dative in Pali, which are more considerable, than in the other prâkṛts, and contain both infinitives in -tave and datives in -âya, especially atthâya = skṛt arthâya; as a rule, the pali dative serves to denote the purpose. The same process has been at work in Modern Greek. Schinas, Grammaire élémentaire du grec moderne, Paris, 1829 p. 90: »le génitif sert de régime indirect aux verbes et remplace le datif: δώσε μου ψωμί donne-moi du pain, λέγω τοῦ χριτοῦ τὴν ᾰ̓λήθειᾰν je dis aujnge la vérité.”

132. 間接目的語のgen.

最後に、gen.は、ふつうは機会のdat.を取るあらゆる動詞に伴うことが許されている。そのようなgen.には〔文学的な〕衒いがあり（*1）、文学作品では頻繁に起こる（*2）。よって、以下の動詞を伴って見られる：1. 与える、提供する、2. 伝える、話す、3. 運ぶ、送る、4. 見せる、5. 禁ずる、6. 約束する、7. 気に入る、8. 怒る、9. お辞儀する、ひれ伏す、等。

例：
1.
Ch. Up. 2, 22, 5 prajāpater ātmānaṃ paridadāni (let me surrender myself to Pr.)
Panc. 85 mayā tasyābhayaṃ pradattam (I have granted him safety)
Çâk. I sūtasyābharaṇāni dhanuś copanīyārpayati
Mṛcch. II, p. 80 anyāntāvad daśa suvarṇānasyaiva prayaccha (give but to this very fellow ten other pieces of gold)

2.
Mhbh, 1, 12, 6 cakhyau pituḥ (he told his father—)
Panc. 292 kathayāsmākaṃ deśāntaravṛttāntam (relate us of your adventures in foreign countries)
Mṛcch. I, p. 45 yadīmaṃ vārttām āryacārudattasya nākhyāsyasi
Panc. 246 tatasytaiḥ sarvaireva gatvā dardurarājasya vijñaptam (then they went all and addressed the king of frogs)
ibid. 62 sa tadākarṇyānyeṣām api jalacarāṇāṃ tat tasya vacanaṃ nivedayām āsa

3.
Çâk. III kasyedamuśīrānulepanaṃ mṛṇālavanti ca nalinīpattrāṇi nīyante (to whom are carried — ?)
ibid. IV tām adya saṃpreṣya parigṛhītuḥ (having sent her now to her husband)

4.
Kathâs. 29, 18 adarśayattasyāḥ putrikāḥ (she showed her the puppets)

5.
Panc. 289 tena ca mama samādiṣṭam (and he prescribed me)
Çâk. IV bhaginyāste mārgam ādeśaya (show the way to your sister)

6.
M, 9, 99 anyasya pratijñāya punaranyasya dīyate (she has been promised to one and given to another)

7.
Panc. 235 kiṃ tava rocata eṣa (does he please you?)

8.
R. 2, 100, 33 bhṛtā bhartuḥ kupyanti (servants are moved with anger against their master)
Çâk. mamānatikuddho muniḥ

9.
Var. Yog. 2, 32 ekasya praṇamanti maryāḥ (people bow to one)
R. II, sarga 96*, 47 nyapatatkāko rāghavasya mahātmanaḥ (the crow prostrated himself to the magnanimous Râma)

【補足】
śrat√dhā（信じる）がgen.を取ることもある。
Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 na bahūnāṃ canānyeṣāṃ śraddadhāti (he does not believe others, however many)

（*1）
少なくとも、Anandoram Borooah（Higher Sanskrit Grammar, §212）の見解ではそうである。彼の見解は、現在のインドにおいてサンスクリットを書く人々の間では、通用すると考えられる—
”the gen. is also occasionally used for the Dat. or Indirect Object, especially by pedantic writers”, “it will be seen from the above examples that such use besides being pedantic, is very ambiguous”.
「gen.は時に、特に衒学的な作者によって、dat.＝間接目的語のために用いられることがある」「上記の例から、そのような用法が衒学的であることに加えて、非常に曖昧なことが見て取られる」
しかしながら、その曖昧さはあまり重大なものではない。原則として、そのようなgen.をどのように見なすかは文脈が示してくれるし、それが文脈で明確に理解できるようにならない場合には、よい作者はあらゆる曖昧な構文を避ける。このように、インドでは昔からdat.的gen.が知られ、用いられてきた—多くはないけれども、古典サンスクリットにある—ことは、上に引用した用例のいくつかから見て取られる。他の同じはたらきをするイディオムについては、両方の格が共に用いられる用例が多くある：
R. 2, 34, 6 dvāri tiṣṭhati te sutaḥ / brāhmaṇebhyo dhanaṃ dattvā sarvaṃ caivopajīvinām
schol. upajīvināṃ ca tebhyaś ca dattvā

Kâç.の注釈（on P. 3, 3, 111）に関して、印刷版のテキストにはṛṇāṃ yatparasya dhāryateとあるが、脚注には異読であるparasmaiが言及されている。

（*2）
俗語では、dat.は廃れ、gen.がその代わりに用いられている。プラークリット文献におけるdat.の痕跡のいくつかは、演劇詩の人工言語に帰される。Lassen [1837], p. 299、VararuciのPrākṛtaprakāśa 6, 64をみよ（*訳注）。Kuhn (E.) [1875], p. 70以下は、他のプラークリットよりも重要な、パーリ語における、-taveの不定詞と-āyaのdat.の両方を含むdat.の残骸、特にP. atthāya＝S. arthāyaについて説明している；原則として、パーリ語のdat.は目的を表すことに資する。同じ経過が現代ギリシャ語で進行している。Schinas [1829], p. 90：「gen.は、動詞の間接目的語（régime indirect）としてはたらき、dat.を置き換える：δώσε μου ψωμί（パンをください）、λέγω τοῦ χριτοῦ τὴν ᾰ̓λήθειᾰν（私は真実を語っている）」

（*訳注）
Cowell 1854, p. 59:
// caturthyāḥ ṣaṣṭhī // 64 //
caturthīvibhakteḥ sthāne ṣaṣṭhīvibhaktir bhavati // vamhaṇassa dehi / vamhaṇāṇa dehi // brāhmaṇāya dehi / vrāhmaṇebhyo dehi //